Back
Automatically translated version. May contain inaccuracies compared to the original.
"UMH Wants Tymoshenko for Itself": Head of ARMA Volodymyr Pavlenko's Chats Leaked Online
10 April 2020 a Telegram channel arma_art_to_steal began publishing chats of the Deputy Chairman of the Agency for the Search and Management of Assets (ARMA) Volodymyr Pavlenko. They discuss meetings with people from the Office of the President, preparation of criminal cases against activists, meetings with criminal authorities, and so on.
Nashi Hroshi publish an excerpt of the most important information from these chats, as well as Pavlenko’s own comments about particular incidents.
The agency itself was created in 2016 as an anti-corruption body. However, Nashi Hroshi claim that over time it turned into an instrument for redistributing business. Allegedly, someone can arrange a criminal case against a competitor so that their money, assets, real estate, or vehicles are transferred to ARMA. The agency, in turn, can find a manager for the seized property or sell it. According to the outlet, this way property can be sold to the right people at the right price.
After the presidential elections, ARMA’s leadership was replaced amid scandal and Volodymyr Pavlenko was appointed deputy head.
"In the declaration for 2018 he received the bulk of his income from the firm Agrogroup 'Demetra', which is involved in raider takeovers of agricultural enterprises and a number of criminal proceedings. Pavlenko himself calls work with raiders 'consultations' that took place after 'clients acquired assets,'" the outlet writes.
Over time, people with whom Pavlenko had prior ties joined the agency. At the end of 2019, acting head of ARMA Vitalii Syhydyn was appointed; he previously worked with Pavlenko at the law firm Legitimus. And from 14 January, after a competition, Volodymyr Rudnychenko, who worked with Pavlenko at the law firm Integrites, became head of ARMA’s legal support department.
Who leaked the chats and what was published
According to Nashi Hroshi, Pavlenko links the leak to former ARMA leadership member Andrii Potemkin, with whom he allegedly has an open conflict. Physically, the chats were allegedly published by a State Bureau of Investigation (SBI) investigator Vasyl Furik, who no longer works at the bureau.
"Pavlenko’s phone came into the investigator’s hands after a search at ARMA 24 February 2020. The SBI and SBU came to ARMA within the framework of proceeding 62020000000000103 initiated by Potemkin, where investigators are determining whether Vitalii Syhydyn secretly recorded a meeting in Honcharuk’s office," the outlet writes.
As for the content, as of 21 April 2 videos, 30 files and 38 photos had been published. They include chats with Justice Minister Denys Maliuska, head of ARMA’s regional office in Dnipro Volodymyr Orlov, lawyer Andrii Chernous who previously worked at Integrites, Andrii Chernous and former head of Arbuzov’s newspaper Kapital Ilya Chudnovskyi.
A list of all Pavlenko’s Telegram contacts was also published. The deputy chairman of ARMA does not confirm the authenticity of the chats. He also claims that remote technical interference was carried out on the phone with the aim of falsification.
Office of the President
The most interesting chat of Pavlenko is from October 2019 to February 2020 with the former head of Arbuzov’s publication Kapital Ilya Chudnovskyi.
In Pavlenko’s phone he is saved as Delo Ilja Bernackogo. Chudnovskyi is now CEO of the media holding Ekonomika + (Delo.ua, Womo.ua, Mmr.ua) of Konstantyn Parshyn.
Chudnovskyi and Pavlenko discuss the media holding UMH of Serhii Kurchenko, which ARMA has not handed over to management. From the chats it is clear that Pavlenko wants to get Chudnovskyi’s holding into UMH’s managers.
21 December 2019 the deputy chairman of ARMA writes to Chudnovskyi: "Prepare a business plan." Chudnovskyi replies: "We’d need some curator from you to tell us how to fill everything out correctly."
Pavlenko sends Chudnovskyi sample business plans, edits his drafts, meets him in person. From January 2020 conversations it becomes clear that the Office of the President is not enthusiastic about the potential new managers, with whom, according to the chats, managers are coordinated. The Office has its own 'tender committee' for ARMA.
In winter it included Office head Andrii Bohdan, presidential aide Serhii Shefir and someone else referred to in the chats as 'Orebets.' Judging by the chats, potential managers prepared a 'document' read by Pavlenko, then by then-Office head Bohdan, and at the end Bohdan carried the document to President Volodymyr Zelensky.
Chats of ARMA head Volodymyr Pavlenko
arma_art_to_steal
About Chudnovskyi’s document Pavlenko notes: "I think it’s better to remove the ATO part. Zelensky, I think, won’t appreciate that."
27 January 2020 a chat on UMH appears on Pavlenko’s phone with Justice Minister Denys Maliuska, where Maliuska writes that "UMH wants Kirill Tymoshenko for itself" — Kirill Tymoshenko is the deputy head of the Office of the President responsible for information policy.
Chats of ARMA head Volodymyr Pavlenko
arma_art_to_steal
In early February Chudnovskyi begins to worry and asks Pavlenko when the competition for UMH’s manager will finally be held. Pavlenko replies: "Ask Andrii, what he agreed with Shefir there." After that the conversation peters out.
Now Pavlenko insists that the conversation with Chudnovskyi was part of his work at ARMA, communication about what could be done with the asset. He notes, however, that these 'consultations' have already stopped, as with many others.
Nashi Hroshi: Why is Chudnovskyi saved in your contacts as Ilia Bernatsky?
Pavlenko: Because Bernatsky introduced me to him (Ruslan Bernatsky is senior partner at the law firm Integrites, - Ed.)
Nashi Hroshi: From your point of view, is it normal to help a candidate for manager write a business plan to submit to ARMA?
Pavlenko: A business plan is submitted when a tender is announced. We haven’t announced one. And I didn’t help him write anything.
Nashi Hroshi: You sent samples of business plans, read drafts, and discussed details.
Pavlenko: But UMH hasn’t been transferred to anyone and the competition hasn’t been announced. Consultations are ongoing now, but no legally significant events are occurring.
Nashi Hroshi: Am I correct that Andrii Bohdan, Serhii Shefir and someone named Orebets agreed who will manage major assets like UMH with the Office of the President?
Pavlenko: I can’t say for sure, but I suppose a tender will be announced soon and then you will see who won. I’m curious to see it myself, and I expect the winners will be different people than those we spoke with. As I said, my talking with people means nothing regarding selecting a winner. Winners are determined despite the programs written by potential managers.
Nashi Hroshi: Does the Office of the President agree on who will manage large assets like UMH?
Pavlenko: The decision is made by the tender committee. We do not coordinate with the Office. Coordination is some vertical structure where approvals are needed. We talk to many people. But talking and decision-making are different things.
Nashi Hroshi: Who is Orebets?
Pavlenko: I don’t remember who that is.
Nashi Hroshi: Minister Maliuska writes that "UMH wants Kirill Tymoshenko for itself." What does that mean?
Pavlenko: Many people want many things. Wanting is everyone’s personal right. To make it clearer, imagine yourself as head of ARMA. You get 100 letters, 200 SMSs of the format 'I want this.' But just because people write it doesn’t change anything. What matters is understanding who wants what and under what conditions.
Order to search for Granovskyi’s and Adamovskyi’s assets
In 17 February 2020 Pavlenko corresponded with lawyer Andrii Chernous. He is now senior lawyer at Hillmont Partners, but in 2016 he was Pavlenko’s trainee at Integrites.
Chernous arranges with Pavlenko the search for assets abroad of former MP Oleksandr Granovskyi and businessman Andrii Adamovskyi, as well as establishing their citizenships in other countries. Officially this was to be carried out through the SBI. A criminal proceeding appears at the Bureau against Granovskyi and Adamovskyi over illegal acquisition of the capital shopping center Sky Mall. And the investigator (unnamed) will send ARMA a request to search for assets and citizenships of Granovskyi and Adamovskyi.
"Are you taking the SBI on?" Pavlenko asks Chernous. "Yes," Chernous replies.
Later it turns out the mall had been re-registered to other owners. Therefore Pavlenko and Chernous talk about immediate arrest of the center and arrange to discuss it at a meeting in a restaurant.
Now Pavlenko insists that ARMA does not carry out private commissions to search for assets and determine citizenship because asset searches are conducted only upon request of an investigator.
Nashi Hroshi: An attorney sent you an 'investigator’s request' for approval. Isn’t that a private commission?
Pavlenko: I have known Andrii Chernous for a long time. He was my trainee when I was obtaining my attorney’s certificate. And he, like many lawyers, comes to me asking what can or cannot be done. The case that was in the chat did not come to ARMA as seized property or in the form of requests or appeals.
Nashi Hroshi: How appropriate is it for an attorney to coordinate such appeals to ARMA with you on behalf of an SBI investigator?
Pavlenko: There can be no formal coordination. I can be asked for my personal opinion. I can give that opinion or not.
Nashi Hroshi: So you helped a lawyer write appeals to ARMA on behalf of an SBI investigator as a private individual?
Pavlenko: I don’t have time to reread what’s written there. But people often send me documents and ask what can and cannot be done. I talk with them because we are interested in preventing stupid documents from coming to us, I would say.
Chat with Orlov
The work of ARMA’s regional office from the inside is shown by Pavlenko’s chats with head of the Dnipro territorial office Volodymyr Orlov.
Under Yanukovych, Orlov headed Sumy and Luhansk customs. He avoided lustration. 2018 he nearly got a job at the SBI (the commission had a ready list of approved candidates). But competition chair Oleksandr Lemenov raised a scandal, so Orlov did not get into the bureau. The ex-customs official then applied to ARMA and won the competition.
However, Gleb Kanevskyi, chair of ARMA’s public council, raised a scandal. Orlov was again not taken. The offended customs officer sued. The court found that ARMA had made a number of errors when denying Orlov employment, which allowed him to win at first instance, and ARMA simply did not file an appeal. Interestingly, Orlov won at first instance when ARMA still had the old leadership, but ARMA did not file an appeal when Potemkin was already an adviser in the agency. Chats with Orlov show several situations that raise questions.
In particular, Pavlenko named who would fill a key position at the agency long before an official competition was held.
9 December 2019 Orlov writes to Pavlenko: "There’s a competition for Reznik’s position. Do you already see a person there?" Pavlenko replies: "Most likely — Vakhtang."
This is about the asset management department previously headed by Vitalii Reznik. 5 December 2019 ARMA announced a competition for that position. Indeed, Vakhtang Bochorishvili won. But the commission that chose the winner met much later — 11 January 2020. And ARMA announced the winner only on 16 January 2019.
Comment from Volodymyr Pavlenko: "I attended that competition as an observer. Many participants came. Of those who worked at ARMA — Reznik and Bochorishvili. Vakhtang’s answers were the most convincing. Other people came with general knowledge and lacked experience."
"The competition was transparent; simply there were no people better than Vakhtang in terms of abilities and skills. I expected it would be so, which is probably why I said that in the chat. Among experienced people the choice was between Vakhtang and Reznik. I think Vakhtang’s candidacy was better."
Pavlenko discussed with Orlov how to organize criminal proceedings and other problems for activists
In particular, this concerns persecution of former chair of ARMA’s public council Gleb Kanevskyi, co-founder of the NGO State Watch Oleksandr Lemenov and chair of the board of the NGO Platform Public Control Denys Selin.
From the chats it is clear that this was not the first conversation, and Pavlenko and Orlov were preparing a criminal case for Kanevskyi — a draft letter to the National Agency on Corruption Prevention (NACP) so that the agency would note that Kanevskyi is a declarant who did not submit a declaration, and therefore should be charged under article 366-1 of the Criminal Code 'Declaration of false information,' the sanctions of which include imprisonment for up to two years.
Chats of ARMA head Volodymyr Pavlenko
arma_art_to_steal
It is also evident that Pavlenko was interested in attacking activists. For example, he sent Orlov a social media post in which Denys Selin criticizes Orlov, with the comment "Work on the activists))".
Orlov, in turn, writes abusive posts on social media about his critics, preliminarily coordinating them with Pavlenko, and says he will try with 'Pavlo' to develop a strategy to 'hit these activists in the teeth.' Note that ARMA’s public relations sector head is Pavlo Buldovych.
Comment from Volodymyr Pavlenko: "Look, ARMA’s leadership and staff are interested in the agency having a normal reputation. For this we try to do the right things and publicize them. If someone begins to smear ARMA or its leadership with dirt, we try to give the same kind of response."
"Orlov applied for the ARMA competition before I came. But Yanchuk did not appoint him, so Kanevskyi poured a lot of dirt on him. And Yanchuk was afraid. Orlov appealed in court and won, and ARMA did not file an appeal. At that time Potemkin was head of legal management. He wrote a memo to Yanchuk that, considering the first-instance court’s arguments, the appeal was groundless."
"So the first-instance decision for Orlov entered into legal force. And when Syhydyn was head, Orlov came and said: 'Hire me.' So they appointed him. Kanevskyi’s dislike of Orlov stems from personal motives — it didn’t disappear and he continued."
"And my former classmate Lemenov started writing to me about how I could hire such a scoundrel. But we had no grounds not to take him. I also explained that Orlov meets the requirements for a regional unit head. About Selin, I just sent a link like 'Look, react.' And the phrase 'hit in the teeth' is figurative — it means 'give an informational response.' If you are smeared with dirt, you need to react."
Nashi Hroshi: You manipulate two points. You turn the Kanevskyi–Orlov story into a personal matter, although Kanevskyi’s dislike of Orlov is because Orlov headed customs under Yanukovych, so such a person should not work in an anti-corruption agency. The second manipulation is that Orlov remained in ARMA because of Potemkin, because he refused to file an appeal. The first-instance decision was 1 October 2019, when you were already working at the agency — as an adviser who decided everything."
Pavlenko: That’s a distortion. Most decisions at ARMA are made collectively. And the memo from Potemkin was not written by me either — it was written by Potemkin.
Pavlenko conducts interviews with potential managers before the official competition to select a manager
7 January 2020 Orlov writes to Pavlenko: "I discussed with you that for a number of objects in the registry (seized assets - Ed.) there are interested people. You said they can contact you. If convenient, Serhii can come with a list. With him we could discuss a roadmap and what is and isn’t possible."
To quickly let Pavlenko know which asset Orlov found people for, Orlov sends a screenshot of a Nashi Hroshi news item with the words "Boss, is this issue being discussed?"
Chats of ARMA head Volodymyr Pavlenko
arma_art_to_steal
For example, 30 January 2020 Orlov sends Pavlenko news of the arrest of 11,5 thousand tons of soy. Officially the soy belongs to various companies that, at first glance, are unrelated. Pavlenko notes that the owners have already appealed the arrest in court, and ARMA returned the soy to the owners.
Orlov replies: "Understood! This is Stakan. A trendy convertor. And Vasya-the-Lviv smuggler. Their goods." Pavlenko notes that if interested people had turned to Orlov immediately it would have been better, because '30 people from everywhere' flocked to ARMA’s Kyiv office.
Or a similar chat below. Pavlenko sends Orlov a link to an announcement where ARMA is looking for a manager for a house in Khlepcha village near Kyiv with the note: "Your man asked about this" (apparently referring to an Orlov assistant or intermediary between Orlov and Pavlenko).
"This is Azarov Jr.’s house," the deputy chairman adds. "People reached out about it and asked about this object," Orlov replies. "He wrote to me, I told him to ask you."
This chat is from 3 February 2020. But already on 24 February Orlov reports to Pavlenko that candidates for the Azarov houses are 'ready' and asks who to 'stay in touch' with.
"With you. And you with me," Pavlenko replies. "How much will they give?"
"We need to tell them. They are ready," Orlov replies. "They are now more interested in the technical side. We can start, and then you draw it up. Or say now." "I’ll get to the office — I’ll tell them," Pavlenko sums up.
Chats of ARMA head Volodymyr Pavlenko
arma_art_to_steal
Comment from Volodymyr Pavlenko: I do indeed communicate with many business representatives at the pre-competition stage so that people already in the business can explain the problems with complex assets, how they can be solved, and how to make the asset as profitable as possible.
Because transferring an asset to management isn’t only about handing it over, it’s about generating income. If such consultations are not held, you get cases like the Kherson oil transshipment terminal and other assets, where an unknown entity appears and they choose a nail salon to manage an oil terminal because there’s no other option and someone must be chosen — the law is such.
And I try to solve this problem. So ask how many managers approach us for valuable assets, or how large the competition is.
The day after tomorrow the submission of documents for potential managers for 5 or 6 lots ends. So far only one or two companies have applied. How to get people to apply? We publish notices on the site and promote them through 'Kupy Zalog' and other platforms. And for these reasons I also talk to business: come on, say if you can, if you’re capable — go for it."
Pavlenko and Orlov discuss how to open criminal proceedings against desired subjects, drive their assets into ARMA and give them to 'proper' managers
Chats of ARMA head Volodymyr Pavlenko
arma_art_to_steal
11 February 2020 Orlov writes that he met with head of the Dnipro regional council Sviatoslav Oleinyk: "We discussed such a situation — they have a lot of subsidized municipal water utilities, money is being stolen. They are ready to open proceedings and transfer them to us so we can transfer them to the right municipal enterprises, to support the president’s initiatives in 'Clean Water' etc."
Comment from Volodymyr Pavlenko: This was discussed when I was in Dnipropetrovsk; there were law enforcement officers, we explained what ARMA does and how it can operate, asked many substantive questions about specific cases, and in particular we explained that there are assets that make sense to transfer to municipal enterprises that have infrastructure. I gave CHP plants as an example. Giving CHPs to private companies can be short-sighted. They should be given to state or municipal enterprises. A lot was discussed, but it didn’t go beyond talks.
Nashi Hroshi: The meeting you mention took place after your phone was seized — 26–27 February. And the chat with Orlov is from 11 February. And in that chat you had already found the guilty parties, notified suspicion, driven the asset into ARMA and assigned 'proper' managers.
Pavlenko: Well, look, nothing happened with those objects, these assets were not transferred to us. But our position is that infrastructure objects on which towns depend should logically be transferred to municipal or state management.
Meetings with 'guys like Narik/Korban'
In early February 2020 Pavlenko and Orlov discuss the plan for Pavlenko’s business trip to Dnipro. Orlov sends a draft schedule and asks for "comments and suggestions."
Chats of ARMA head Volodymyr Pavlenko
arma_art_to_steal
Pavlenko replies: "I would add a separate meeting with guys like Narik/Korban, if that’s an option." 'Narik' is the nickname of businessman Oleksandr Petrovskyi (Nalekreshvili). Media now call him 'a person with a reputation of a criminal authority,' though when Yurii Lutsenko was prosecutor general he called him a leader of an organized crime group:
"Petrovskyi, known in certain circles as Narik, was investigated by the interior ministry as the leader of an organized criminal group. The peak activity of that OCG was during 2000–2004. In 2005 he left Ukraine, some members were arrested, and the group was smashed."
Petrovskyi’s surname is linked to a series of murders, though Narik has never been convicted for any of them.
Comment from Volodymyr Pavlenko: Problematic assets have owners, and often these owners are influential people. Imagine I am a manager. I understand I’ll write a program, win the tender, but I also understand there are assets I simply will not enter because some assets require people who can, so to speak, provide physical support. So yes, I talk with various people, but that means nothing besides trying to understand what to do with the asset. Winners are not appointed by me but by the tender committee.
Nashi Hroshi: Did the meeting with Narik take place?
Pavlenko: No.
Nashi Hroshi: What were you going to discuss?
Pavlenko: With everyone I meet for work I discuss prospects for managing problematic assets.
Pavlenko’s Telegram contacts
A list of the deputy chairman’s contacts also appeared online. Overall such a list cannot be called kompromat. However, it does characterize the person. So we’ll focus on interesting figures with whom Pavlenko communicates regularly.
Integrites
Many of the deputy chairman’s conversations are with people from the orbit of the law firm Integrites. From 2016 to 2018 Pavlenko led their dispute resolution practice. Senior partner at Integrites is Ruslan Bernatsky. His wife Natalia Bernatska was first deputy justice minister under Pavlo Petrenko.
Also at Integrites worked Pavlo Petrenko’s deputy Olena Sukmanova. When Denys Maliuska became minister of justice, new advisers from Integrites appeared among his team. In addition to Pavlenko, Volodymyr Rudnychenko, who became ARMA’s chief lawyer, and Andrii Haichenko, now deputy justice minister for enforcement matters, came from there.
About Integrites’ place in justice under Pavlo Petrenko, former head of the Kyiv prosecutor’s press service Olena Yakhno once said:
"There is some Anti-Raiding Commission in the Ministry of Justice. If you were a victim of a raider attack you have two options — go to court or appeal to that commission. The commission can review your complaint within 45 days. Obviously in 45 days your business can be presented again, looted and destroyed many times. Insiders say that sometimes a Good Samaritan tells victims of raider attacks: appeal to this firm, they will help. You call the number, they tell you a sum, you pay it ... and voila! The Anti-Raiding Commission instantly solves your problem."
Pavlenko left Integrites in November 2018, but did not lose ties with the firm. Moreover, after joining ARMA he actively communicated with contacts named 'Yana Bernatsky,' 'Gena Bernatsky,' 'Oleh Bernatsky,' 'Roma Bernatsky,' 'Yevhen Tax Bernatsky,' 'Delo Ilja Bernackogo.'
21 February 2020 the deputy chairman of ARMA, judging by the chats, invited Pavlo Lohinov — a former Integrites lawyer and now head of the decision expertise department in the legal department at AMCU — to a meeting. Pavlenko does not say what he discussed with these people because 'he communicates with many of them not about work.'
Mykola Solskyi
In January 2020 Pavlenko messaged MP Mykola Solskyi several times. The conversation was about some competition. Solskyi was also Pavlenko’s former employer. According to Pavlenko’s resume, the current deputy ARMA head worked in 2011 for the structure Ukrainian Agrarian Holding of Solskyi, LLC Promvahontans as deputy director for legal affairs.
In addition to Solskyi, owners of Promvahontans include former head of the Office of the President Andrii Bohdan, Bohdan’s former boss Ihor Pukshin, son of former Constitutional Court head Oleksandr Baulin, former chair of the State Judicial Administration Ruslan Kyryliuk and businessman Oleksandr Radovskyi. Pavlenko says he has known Solskyi for a long time, but their communication 'was not about ARMA.'
Chat with Denys Dzenzerskyi
In November 2019 Pavlenko messaged former MP Denys Dzenzerskyi, who is linked to the international scientific-industrial corporation Vesta.
Interestingly, roughly in that period (a few months earlier) the deputy chairman of ARMA worked for the financial company Vesta. Rumors now tie it to Russian–Ukrainian businessman Pavlo Fuks.
In particular, because 1% of the company belongs to Andrii Volkov, who in official documents also appeared as a representative of Fuks’s Ukrrosleasing in a Kyiv City Council commission. However, the owner of 99% hides behind several Ukrainian and Cypriot companies and a Cypriot beneficiary. According to Pavlenko, the chat with Dzenzerskyi was also unrelated to ARMA:
"He has debts and I worked on those debts as a lawyer. But we never had any communications with Denys related to ARMA."
Dovbenko’s wife—LCF—Evris
Many chats and calls in Pavlenko’s phone are with current and former employees of LCF — the company where Andrii Dovbenko’s wife Anna Ohrenchuk is managing partner.
23 January 2020 Pavlenko met Andrii Reun — now a partner heading LCF’s legal practice, formerly head of tax practice in Dovbenko’s law firm Evris. And on 17 January 2020 the deputy head of ARMA messaged Serhii Ihnatovskyi — now deputy head of the State Property Fund, who before his appointment worked as a partner at LCF.
Chats of ARMA head Volodymyr Pavlenko
arma_art_to_steal
In June 2019 Pavlenko wrote about Andrii Dovbenko to lawyer Mykyta Nuralin. According to Yanukovychleaks, Nuralin was in the group of lawyers of SEPEK owner Serhii Kurchenko; the unit where Nuralin worked was headed by Denys Buhai — former member of UMH Group’s supervisory board, whose assets were transferred to ARMA, and another department of Kurchenko’s was headed by Andrii Dovbenko together with Leonid Sedov. Chat details have not yet been published.
Sdelka
There are also many personal photos and chats in the deputy chairman’s phone with people from the law firm Sdelka. In particular, a photo from a vacation with partner of the law firm Sdelka, Oleksandr Onyshchenko. Why is this important?
As Nashi Hroshi wrote earlier, in 2017 the firm Sdelka became part of a major scandal. NABU detained Sdelka lawyer Yurii Sivovna, suspected of obtaining closed information about planned NABU searches and other information from the court’s automated system through an aide to a judge of Solomianskyi district court.
Law enforcement recorded that after such meetings Sivovna met with his boss Oleksandr Onyshchenko. During a NABU search of the Sdelka law association, investigators found copies of closed decisions. As our colleagues reported, after receiving the information the head of Sdelka passed it to the former chair of the supervisory board of PJSC Avangard. 20 September 2018 Sdelka merged with Integrites, where Onyshchenko became a partner.
Friend/partner Denys Shkiptan
Pavlenko’s phone also contains photos with Denys Shkiptan. The deputy chairman does not hide these photos; he posted them on his Facebook, calling Shkiptan a 'friend/partner.' At the same time, Pavlenko’s friend-partner has another partner — Oleksii Koronskyi. They are still co-owners of LLC Stroy VVV and until recently were listed as co-owners of the company Ubi Form. According to NABU, Koronskyi is mentioned in a criminal proceeding on bribes for decisions in enforcement proceedings at the Ministry of Justice as a likely shell private entrepreneur through which money was laundered.
Most companies mentioned in that proceeding are linked to Andrii Dovbenko and his orbit. Some assets owned by Ubi Form were transferred to ARMA. They were seized, by the way, in the 'Oskyrko case.'
The published contents of the deputy chairman’s phone end here for now. To be fair, most of what was discussed in these chats wasn’t implemented. True, that may be related not only to Pavlenko’s claim that talks remain talks, but also to the fact that after a search the deputy chairman’s phone was taken away, and they understood the possible consequences of that.
It should also be taken into account that only a small portion of the information from the device was published, which contains chats spanning three years. Therefore unpublished but implemented matters could now be bargaining chips — for assets transferred to ARMA, positions, or other preferences.
Pavlenko himself does not hide that he has already been approached with a proposal 'not to publish,' but he says 'I have no money and nothing to hide.' In any case, competitions for managers will soon start at the agency, including for UMH, and sooner or later something will have to be sold. If 'wanting,' according to the still-deputy chairman of ARMA, is everyone’s personal right — it will be very interesting to observe who will ultimately take advantage of that right.
obozrevatel.com
Document: PDF proof of the original version of the news item ""УМХ хочет себе Тимошенко": в сеть слили переписки главы АРМА Владимира Павленко". It records the publication content at the moment of the first scan, the preservation date and the source: ANTIKOR.
