Automatically translated version. May contain inaccuracies compared to the original.
Deputy Ostriches. Who Hid from the Nationalization of Russian Business?
9 April was a very productive day in the Ukrainian parliament — deputies voted in concert and passed many important laws. The sticking point was the bill on the nationalization of Russian enterprises. Opinions were split evenly on whether it should be adopted — ultimately the vote failed. Even among coalition deputies many decided not to vote for the bill, and several dozen MPs simply pulled out their voting cards so the system would show they were absent. Why do deputies hide during such a vote and which factions have the most deputy-ostriches, “Chetverta Vlada” investigated.
People’s Deputy from Dnipropetrovsk Borys Filatov commented on the voting results on his page:
“BPP sabotaged the vote on the Law on the Nationalization in Ukraine of the Property of the Aggressor State and its Residents. Exactly half of the faction refused. Lipetsk rules. A nationwide disgrace.”
After the adoption of the package of decommunization laws long awaited by Ukrainian society, the vote on nationalization caught many deputies off guard. On the one hand, the law is in demand given Russian aggression. On the other — many deputies have economic ties with Russia and have something to lose if Russia decides to adopt similar laws in response. But how do you explain to voters, for example in western Ukraine, why you did not vote to nationalize the aggressor’s property? Especially when Russia confiscated all Ukrainian property in Crimea, and Russian occupiers have been looting Donbas for a year? Therefore three dozen deputies simply removed their personal voting cards so the Rada system would show they were absent. Most surprising is the position of those MPs who voted to condemn totalitarian regimes, and then “vanished.” Most of these were in Petro Poroshenko Bloc and the deputy group “Will of the People.”
This looks especially curious if you examine the voting chronology of the Verkhovna Rada closely. In 14:02 the Rada adopted the last law from the decommunization package. The bill condemning communism and Nazism was supported by 254 deputies out of 307 present. But two minutes later parliamentarians were considering the bill on nationalization. The vote was a failure, with only 190 in favor. Most interestingly, in those two minutes 23 deputies seemingly “disappeared” in an unknown direction.
Among the “disappeared” were Iryna Lutsenko, former journalist Konstantyn Usov, Lviv deputies Stepan Kubiv and Oksana Yurynets, head of the Donetsk regional headquarters of the Poroshenko Bloc Artur Herasymov, former finance minister Viktor Pynzenyk (all — Petro Poroshenko Bloc), Volyn oligarchs Ihor Yeremeyev and Stepan Ivakhiv, the red director Viacheslav Bohuslaiev and singing rector Mykhailo Poplavskyi (all — deputy group “Will of the People”), as well as Yuliia Tymoshenko’s lawyer Serhii Vlasenko.
Voted to condemn Nazism and communism, but two minutes later were already “absent”
Petro Poroshenko Bloc
Olha Bielkova
Artur Herasymov
Anatolii Evlakhov
Mykhailo Kobtsev
Stepan Kubiv
Maksym Kuryachyi
Taras Kutovyi
Iryna Lutsenko
Olena Matuzko
Bohdan Onufryk
Mykola Palamarchuk
Viktor Pynzenyk
Konstantyn Usov
Oksana Yurynets
People’s Front
Natalia Katser-Buchkovska
Samopomich
Alena Babak
Yaroslav Markevych
Viktoriia Ptashnyk
Batkivshchyna
Serhii Vlasenko
Will of the People
Ihor Yeremeyev
Serhii Labaziuk
Yaroslav Moskalenko
Viktor Razvadovskyi
Yurii Shapovalov
Viacheslav Bohuslaiev
Stepan Ivakhiv
Serhii Martyniak
Mykhailo Poplavskyi
The second group — the craftiest and busiest deputies. They registered in the system at the start of the session, listened to the speech of the President of Poland, but did not come to the vote on condemning totalitarianism and on the nationalization of Russian business. What guided them? Probably the same as the first group. Only they had time to study the agenda and identified for themselves the items during which it was better not to be visible. Some of them were handling matters of state importance in the buffet and in the Rada’s corridors.
Many prominent politicians are among MPs of the second category. These include Volodymyr Lytvyn, Yuliia Tymoshenko, Serhii Kivalov, Oksana Prodan, Liudmyla Denisova, Andrii Kozhemiakin and others. They are not in a hurry to explain their position on this issue. Perhaps because it is embarrassing to announce their true stance.
For example, the Opposition Bloc and the deputy group Vidrodzhennia have a clear position on these issues. These parties did not cast a single vote either for nationalization or for the condemnation of totalitarian regimes — some were absent, others did not vote. But Tymoshenko’s and Lytvyn’s positions remain a mystery.
Registered in the Rada at the start of the session, but absent during consideration of the nationalization bill
Petro Poroshenko Bloc
Natalia Ahafonova
Dmytro Andriievskyi
Olha Bohomolets
Vasyl Brenzovych
Oleksii Honcharenko
Maksym Yefymov
Valerii Ishchenko
Serhii Kunytsyn
Mustafa Nayyem
Fedir Nehoi
Vadym Nesterenko
Oleh Petrenko
Oksana Prodan
People’s Front
Liudmyla Denisova
Samopomich
Viktor Kryvenko
Andrii Myroshnyk
Batkivshchyna
Andrii Kozhemiakin
Oleksii Riabchyn
Yuliia Tymoshenko
Radical Party of Lyashko
Zlata Ognevich
Will of the People
Volodymyr Bandurov
Andrii Derkach
Volodymyr Lytvyn
Ihor Molotok
Non-affiliated
Ivan Baloga
Pavlo Baloga
Oleksandr Hereha
Serhii Kivalov
Eduard Matviichuk
Vasyl Petevka
Serhii Taruta
The last category includes those who did not vote for nationalization. As seen from the list, most of them are representatives of the pro-presidential faction.
Faction leader of BPP Yurii Lutsenko explained the non-voting of some deputies by saying the bill is declarative in nature and does not carry serious consequences for Russia.
Political analyst Oleksandr Palii told Inforesist why some deputies from the Petro Poroshenko Bloc did not vote for the nationalization of Russian business:
“They have not yet reached a common decision on this issue, so they split during the vote. They have not fully calculated everything yet — whether it is a plus or a minus. Maybe some of them are not voting for personal reasons, and maybe they are thinking about what the consequences will be. Maybe some have connections. But I think Ukraine can still put this issue on the agenda, because Russia made the first move here. In Crimea it effectively nationalized Ukrainian property brazenly and shamelessly. Ukraine can respond. The legal grounds are on our side,” the expert said.
Petro Poroshenko Bloc
Andrii Vadaturskyi
Ivan Vynnyk
Yurii Harbuz
Mykhailo Hvozdiev
Iryna Herashchenko
Dmytro Holubov
Robert Horvat
Vitalii Hudzhenko
Ihor Hryniv
Valerii Davydenko
Vadym Denysenko
Mykhailo Dovbenko
Oleksandr Dombrovskyi
Svitlana Zalishchuk
Konstantyn Ishcheikin
Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze
Ruslan Knyazevych
Leonid Kozachenko
Borys Kozyr
Viktor Korol
Serhii Kudlaenko
Mykola Lavryk
Serhii Leshchenko
Andrii Lopushanskyi
Yurii Lutsenko
David Makarians
Yurii Makedon
Yulii Mamchur
Anatolii Matviyenko
Volodymyr Melnychenko
Oleksii Mushak
Roman Nasirov
Natalia Novak
Valerii Patskan
Oleksii Poroshenko
Yurii Rybchynskyi
Oleksandr Spivakovskyi
Hryhorii Tymish
Serhii Tryhubenko
Oleksandr Urbanskyi
Iryna Friz
Hennadii Chekyta
Nina Yuzhanina
Kostyantyn Yarynich
People’s Front
Denys Dzenzerskyi
Tetyana Donets
Oleh Kryshyn
Ruslan Lukianchuk
Mykola Martynenko
Serhii Pashynskyi
Pavlo Pynzenyk
Yurii Savchuk
Viktoriia Siumar
Samopomich
Natalia Veselova
Andrii Zhurzhyi
Roman Semenuha
Ruslan Sydorovych
Olena Sotnyk
Oleksandr Opanasenko
Batkivshchyna
Oleksandr Abdullyn
Vladyslav Bukharev
Hryhorii Nemyria
Radical Party of Lyashko
Andrii Artemenko
Will of the People
Anatolii Hirshfeld
Serhii Melnychuk
Non-affiliated
Viktor Baloga
Yakov Bezbah
Volodymyr Groysman
Serhii Rudyk
Oleksandr Suprunenko
After the failed vote deputies tried to return to consideration of the issue, but that proposal did not receive support from the majority of parliamentarians. Obviously, deputies will return to the topic of nationalization. In the meantime, deputies have every opportunity to revise the bill and convince the presidential faction to support it.
At the same time entrepreneur and blogger Yurii Bohdanov considers this bill too radical. He proposed the following alternative to nationalization:
“1. Russian enterprises that agree to re-register in Ukraine should be granted a tax break for 5 years (to weaken the aggressor’s economic potential and strengthen Ukraine’s economic and financial potential). 2. Russian entrepreneurs who want to move to Ukraine along with their business should be granted Ukrainian citizenship and the same benefits (after thorough vetting by the special services) for the same terms. 3. Russian companies that do not want to change their place of registration should be subject to two restrictions: 1) accumulate received revenues and profits in a special domestic Ukrainian account and use them only for self-financing and reinvestment in Ukraine (until the conflict ends); 2) not carry out any activity to export any assets outside Ukraine to any country. 4. For refusers and violators of the regime 3 introduce temporary seizure of property (without nationalization) until the end of the conflict or its transition to an inactive phase. And this is a compromise that will show that: a) Ukraine respects property rights and investors’ rights; b) Ukraine respects itself.”
Sviatoslav Samoilenko, “Chetverta Vlada”
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