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Automatically translated version. May contain inaccuracies compared to the original.
Seizure of Property in Downtown Kyiv: How Ex-MP Mykitas Involved Justice Ministry Officials to Illegally Control the Registers
On Wednesday, 19 August, NABU announced suspicion against Deputy Head of the Office of the President Iryna Mudra, who, with the help of controversial developer Maksym Mykitas, organized fundraising to secure the release on bail of the former ministers of energy and justice Herman Halushchenko.
This was reported by "Censor.net."
The following day it turned out that Mudra did not merely oversee collecting funds for Halushchenko’s bail, which Mykitas helped arrange by routing it through affiliated companies and pressuring financial monitoring at Sence Bank. She also assisted the developer in carrying out his schemes to seize property in downtown Kyiv.
To pull off the property seizure, they enlisted hackers who broke into registers, bribed judges, and coerced employees of the Office of the President and the Justice Ministry to cooperate.
To understand the essence of the schemes, it’s worth recalling who Mykitas, Mudra’s associate, is.
Maksym Mykitas — since 2010 the head of the Ukrbud corporation, a deputy of the Kyiv City Council of the VII convocation. In the summer of 2016 he was elected a member of the Verkhovna Rada. Although he ran as nonpartisan, the then gray eminence of the Poroshenko era, Ihor Kononenko, did not hide that he was promoting the Kyiv council deputy.
In 2019, after the change of power, Mykitas was notified of suspicion in the seizure of National Guard property worth more than 81 million hryvnias. In October of the same year the ex-MP was arrested and his bail was increased to 80 million hryvnias.
In that case Mykitas testified to NABU against Deputy Head of the Office of the President Oleh Tatarov, who had previously worked at Ukrbud.
However, Tatarov did not lose his position; instead, his case was taken from NABU and destroyed through the courts, not without the involvement of former Deputy Prosecutor General Oleksii Symonenko.
In October 2022 NABU and SAP exposed ex-MP Mykitas attempting to bribe Dnipro mayor Borys Filatov for 22 million euros.
Under NABU recording in conversations with Filatov, Mykitas admitted that his activities were aided by Deputy Head of the Office of the President Oleh Tatarov, and that he controlled the head of the Kyiv organization of the Servant of the People party, MP Lesia Zaburanna.
On 25 October 2023 Mykitas received a new suspicion from the National Anti-Corruption Bureau.
As NABU’s website reported, the former deputy was accused of embezzling 307 million hryvnias allocated in 2018 for the construction of protected arsenals.
In 2022 the businessman’s partner Oleh Maiboroda told Censor.NET that Mykitas received that contract due to corrupt connections.
"Due to Mykitas’ close ties with Kononenko, the BPP (Petro Poroshenko Bloc) office on Lavrska Street was renovated free of charge at a cost of 3 million dollars, which brought Mykitas contracts to build military warehouses for 1 billion hryvnias," Maiboroda said.
Mykitas, in turn, reminded Censor.NET that his former business partner later often denied everything he said on social media. In court he hinted that perhaps the money should be looked for not in Kyiv but in Vienna.
In any case, the investigation into the arsenals case was halted in 2024 because a VAKS judge decided that the statute of limitations had expired.
Although Mykitas spent a long time in pretrial detention, already in 2022 the ex-deputy announced that he had regained control of the Ukrbud corporation, which he had been contesting with former partners Dmytro Fedotenkov and Oleh Maiboroda.
In May 2023 Mykitas’ family managed to gain control of Dynex LLC, which in turn owned the financial company Aragon. That company was a creditor of Ukrbud.
After that he began competing for premises on Pushkinska, 27 (now Yevhen Chykalenka) and several adjacent premises.
This is, in fact, Ukrbud’s main office. An ordinary reader may have never seen this office, but may have seen the discussion of an icon with the beau monde from that office.
From the beginning (since 2017) the owner of the premises was LLC Regional Resources. In his last deputy declaration in 2019 Mykitas listed Regional Resources as a firm he owned at 100%. He became one of the company’s founders back in 2017.
In 13 September 2019, instead of Maksym Mykitas, Andrii Kostaryev became the founder of LLC Regional Resources.
Judging by court registry materials, for the last three years there was a fierce battle over the premises on Pushkinska between former Ukrbud partners. For Mykitas it had special significance not only financially but also because his father worked there.
As the Legal Bulletin of Ukraine wrote, in February 2020 the premises transferred to the ownership of LLC Ukrbud Development.
"If you believe the representative of Regional Resources, this was done in two stages. First, unidentified offenders changed the management of that company using forged documents and, through a private notary of the Brovary district notarial district, Volodymyr Koleichyk, entered the corresponding data into the Unified State Register of Legal Entities. After that, the newly minted head of Regional Resources concluded an agreement with Ukrbud Development under which the latter acquired ownership rights to the above real estate — the corresponding entries in the State Register of Property Rights to Real Estate were made by private notary of the Kyiv city notarial district Oleksandr Zolotykh," the article said.
It went on to say that the true management of Regional Resources quickly learned of the scheme and filed a complaint with the Justice Ministry, whose order canceled the registration actions and revoked both notaries’ access to the relevant registers.
After that the competition for the property moved to the OASK court, to Judge Ablov. He ruled in favor of Ukrbud, although he left Regional Resources a chance to contest the property.
As the representative of LLC Regional Resources explained to the publication, in 2024 the property was ultimately returned to their company, but they were unable to enter the data into the register "due to hooligan actions by opponents."
From the NABU materials it became clear how Mykitas did it.
As the SAP prosecutor stated in court, the participants of the criminal group included:
Iryna Mudra, former Deputy Head of the Office of the President;
Viktor Dubovyk, Director General of the Directorate for Legal Policy of the Office of the President (who directly organized registration actions and engaged hacker groups for unauthorized interference in state registers);
Olena Ferens, Deputy Minister of Justice;
Maksym Mykitas, former member of parliament;
Vadym Stolar, current member of parliament;
Vasyl Astion, businessman (a deputy of the Dnipropetrovsk regional council responsible for the registration and judicial support of asset seizure and the legalization of funds);
Mykola Hladyshenko, suspended chair of the Supervisory Board of state Sence Bank;
Oleh Stupak, chairman of the board of state Sence Bank;
Lyudmyla Snihur, head of a department of state Sence Bank;
Valentyn Yelizarov (Mykitas’ subordinate, head of LLC Metrobud);
Mykyta Tarkovskyi (connected to Mykitas — prepared financial contracts and, accordingly, shell companies to launder funds);
Yehor Merkulov (Mykitas’ driver, nominally head of LLC Montazh Service);
Oleksandr Ostapenko (Mykitas’ bodyguard, nominally director of LLC Philosophy Development).
As the SAP prosecutor said when choosing a preventive measure for Yelizarov, Mykitas and OPZZh MP Vadym Stolar 15.11.2024 formalized an agreement regarding a deal that was found during the pretrial investigation about dividing property 50 into 50, and in 30.04.2026 they signed an additional agreement on financing the judicial support for the illegal seizure of the real estate of LLC Regional Resources.
"Since the company’s ownership was protected by court decisions, members of the criminal organization from April 2026 began preparing unauthorized interference in state registers to cancel the prohibition on registration actions and involved Justice Ministry officials with the participation of Mudra and Dubovyk for the illegal execution of a Justice Ministry order, despite being aware of the relevant court prohibitions," the prosecutor said.
He then quoted fragments of conversations between Yelizarov and Mykitas in which they discuss arrangements with Stolar and roughly estimate their expenses to carry out the property seizure.
Mykitas: How much do we need to do for the consortium, for the hackers? Besides the football team, we counted then, right, let’s do it again. Hackers, how much do we need?
Yelizarov: somewhere in the area of 20–25, well there 25.
Mykitas: Well, we’ll pay 25 there.
Yelizarov: For 20 we planned to agree.
Then Mykitas and Yelizarov discuss that they need to file lawsuits and estimate how long they might last. They aim for about half a year to go through the courts and obtain a Justice Ministry order.
In another conversation the ex-MP also describes how much money he spends to carry out his property seizure schemes. In particular, that he involved law enforcement to block competitors’ actions.
Ex-MP (26.01.2026):
"No-no-no. We still have hacks there, so to speak, roughly speaking. They can, NAIS can do it. I want. The thing is, yes, and the prosecutor asks, says: ‘Listen, I’ll tell you honestly, f**k, we took the money, f**k. Max, how much longer should we wait to take them off’ — ‘Guys, hold on until 10, f**k. Okay, returning it,’ — I say, — ‘no need. Hold until 10 and, — I say, — I’ll have a ruling — I say — after 4, 5 there will be a ruling, roughly speaking’."
Ex-MP (28.01.2026):
"He also had the task to hold this, hold the Pecherskyi, hold the Pecherskyi court. That’s it. And, well, we agreed that 5, 5. Well, I agreed with Sasha. Valik with Sasha 5, 5. Here. Sasha calls, as usual, you know, in Vitya’s style. ‘The bosses agreed, that’s it, they told me you urgently bring 10.’ Valik calls me back: ‘Damn, f**k, we agreed that he this.’ Well, you know how it was then, remember: ‘100. I said 100. Maksym agreed 100.’"
This is how one can understand how much judges, for example the notorious Pecherskyi Court judges, earned from such decisions.
"Is that enough? We’ve already staked all this out, we’re already there, poor Iryna Romanivna," Yelizarov asks Mykitas in one conversation.
From previously released materials it is clear that Mykitas for a long time communicated with OP Deputy Iryna Mudra and asked her to pressure Justice Ministry officials so that they would sign the necessary decisions.
The conversation about money to secure a court decision takes place with Mudra.
Ex-MP: "It was like last time. Remember when he tried to extort 100 thousand? And there was no other way out."
Deputy Head of the OP: "Listen, isn’t that too much to hold, so to speak?"
Ex-MP: "I understand perfectly well that whatever happens to that prosecutor who received money from me, Vitya won’t tell the truth."
Deputy Head of the OP: "We need to finish with this Viktor."
Of all the figures in the case, the only Viktor is Dubovyk, who works with Mudra in the Office of the President.
At Mykitas’ request Mudra continuously pushed certain decisions through the Justice Ministry until one of her counterparts refused to follow the instructions.
Ex-MP: "*** (Justice Ministry official) remove, f**k, the hell out, and remove all this sh*t they’re using to, f**k, go after me! Against me!"
Deputy Head of the OP: "I don’t know who is going after you."
Deputy Head of the OP: "You understand that I wrote to her! I, b*tch, wrote an article!"
Deputy Head of the OP: "I wrote an article! You didn’t tell me about (n/a)."
Ex-MP: "I told you 150 times."
Deputy Head of the OP: "About forged rulings." "You didn’t tell me that!"
Ex-MP:
"I’m talking about * (Justice Ministry official), f**k! About * (Justice Ministry official), f**k, I told you! *** (Justice Ministry official) we removed, f**k! And that we removed, f**k!"
Deputy Head of the OP:
"We removed *** (Justice Ministry official) with your consent. And you yourself told me to remove [them]. Fuck, I said things for an article, you understand? I said things for an article?!"
This seems to be the most dramatic conversation between Mudra and Mykitas, because court materials show that, besides facilitating the businessman’s shady affairs, the deputy head of the OP also helped him avoid punishment in numerous corruption cases.
Mudra: "I’m confident that we have the Supreme Court, we’ll be able to combine everything (the cases against Mykitas?)."
Mykitas: "They won’t lock me up, that’s for sure. We’ll resolve this issue."
From materials presented in court when choosing a preventive measure for Mykitas it also became clear that he financed Mudra and paid for her daughter’s education. At some point they began to suspect investigative actions, tried to wipe phones; Mudra was ready to move out of the apartment and hide suitcases with jewelry somewhere.
According to the investigation materials, in the fall of 2025 the participants seized company assets worth more than 248 million hryvnias. In May 2026 they attempted to obtain real estate worth more than 207 million hryvnias. One episode involved objects in central Kyiv worth more than half a billion hryvnias. At the same time Vadym Stolar spent more than half a million dollars financing the schemes.
So it’s no surprise that at such a scale Mykitas "a bit" helped Mudra so that those above wouldn’t come down hard on her, to save ordinary Halushchenko.
Author: Tetiana Nikolaienko
Document: PDF proof of the original version of the news item "Заволодіння майном в центрі Києва: як екснардеп Микитась залучав посадовців Мінюсту для незаконного контролю над реєстрами". It records the publication content at the moment of the first scan, the preservation date and the source: ANTIKOR.
