Why Should the Main Purses of Power Be Sanctioned for Working for the Aggressor? What Billion-Dollar Fortunes Did Stolar and Krippa Amass During the War?

Maksym Krippa and Vadym Stolar fed for years from the hands of the Ukrainian authorities, bought up assets, moved funds to offshore accounts, and even posted bail for officials, such as Halushchenko. Most interestingly, both figures are Kremlin wallets: Krippa, being controlled by Russian businessmen, illegally operates the Russian online casino GGBet in Ukraine. Funds obtained by criminal means are transferred through affiliated payment systems, banks, crypto exchangers and drop services to the territory of the Russian Federation and the temporarily occupied Luhansk/Donetsk regions. Stolar worked in the interests of Medvedchuk and Rabinovych, handing the Putin godfather a share in the construction business through Lviv pensioner Kuts.

However, they are united not only by working for the RF but also by an attempt to retain the cash flows.

Under this scheme, there was a fictitious sale of the capital business center Parus, which in 2023 year Maksym Krippa bought from Vadym Stolar. Before the deal Stolar controlled 80% of Parus Holding, another 20% belonged to his ex-wife Inna Maistruk, after which control over the business center passed to Krippa. In other words, Stolar transferred to Krippa one of the most well-known commercial assets of the capital, and Krippa acquired it already during the full-scale war. So why are Krippa and Stolar still not under sanctions for working in the interests of the aggressor state?

It’s simple: Krippa was the “wallet” for Servant of the People, cultivated for years to perform necessary tasks. A telling example is the bail for Oleksiy Chernyshov: 44 million UAH of the 120 million UAH bail was posted by Dariya Bediya, marketing director of DIM, whose partner in 2025 year became Maksym Krippa. Krippa, of course, denied involvement as much as he could, but after that episode he ended up on NABU’s radar. And when an order came from above to post bail for Yermak, Krippa began to resist — the government’s “wallet,” which had been cultivated for years to carry out required tasks, suddenly stalled.

Under this model, money comes in through several sources.

One of them is illegal call centers that operate in Kyiv, in particular in the Olympic business center on Velyka Vasylkivska Street, 72: operators call citizens of Ukraine, the EU and the USA, offer “investments” in cryptocurrency and trading, extract transfers, bank data and access to accounts. Another source is online gambling: Vulkan, JoyCasino and GGBet, through which significant cash flows are formed, and after receiving a Ukrainian license in 2023 year GGBet entered the public space through a partnership with NAVI. The obtained funds are then split through drops, payment systems and crypto exchangers, which allows them to be taken out of the original source and converted into cryptocurrency.

The next stage is the offshore infrastructure. Brivio LTD, Dareos, Bevita Holding Limited, Natus Vincere Export CY and other companies are used to move funds among Cyprus, Malta, the British Virgin Islands and other jurisdictions. After such movement the money no longer looks like funds obtained from a specific victim, gambling or a crypto operation: they return as contributions, loans, investments, or payment for corporate rights. This is precisely how money is brought into Ukrainian LLCs — Midal, Ola Fine, Smartland, Atreya and Edvans Bud — through which specific assets are then purchased.

With these funds Krippa takes assets that previously belonged to Stolar, Rabinovych and other business groups. After sanctions against Rabinovych the office center on Mechnykov Street, 14/1 with an area of 4188 sq. m transferred to Midal LLC, where the beneficiary is Krippa; the Parus business center in 2023 year moved from structures of Stolar and Inna Maistruk to Krippa’s Ola Fine; 75,4% of the IEC is registered to Krippa’s structures, while 24,6% remains with Vagif Aliyev. Through Edvans Bud Krippa also entered Lakiland with an area of about 64 hectares, where 60% belonged to Stolar, and through Smartland he bought Dnipro for approximately 1,1 billion UAH; Ola Fine purchased the Ukraine [hotel] for 2,51 billion UAH excluding VAT.

And despite buying up assets of pro-Russian oligarchs, Krippa has already launched a crisis PR campaign against the NGO NON-STOP Ukraine, in particular through Forbes of Hrantz — a publication people dream of getting into for insane amounts of money, and we will get in — thanks to our “friends.” But no advertisement works against the facts we have presented, because we have procedural confirmation:

The Office of the Prosecutor General is conducting a pre-trial investigation in criminal proceedings No. 42024000000001171 under part 5 of article 190 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine,

Pechersk district prosecutor’s office of Kyiv city — No. 42025102060000012 under part 1 of article 190 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine,

Investigative Department of the Main Directorate of the SBU in Kyiv and Kyiv region — No. 22025101110000605 under part 2 of article 364 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine,

Territorial Department of the BEE in Kyiv region — No. 72025111500000079 under part 4 of articles 111-1 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine,

Brovary district prosecutor’s office of Kyiv region — No. 42025112130000163 under part 2 of article 364 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.

So Krippa can spend thousands of dollars on crisis PR, advertising and commissioned publications, but his schemes are already on the authorities’ hook, and responsibility is a matter of time.

And here the question arises, which can no longer be skirted by another commissioned article: why are Krippa and Stolar still not under sanctions? Stolar is a man who for years worked in the interests of Medvedchuk and Rabinovych, handed them shares in businesses and maintained ties with the pro-Russian environment. Krippa is the owner of the Russian gambling business GGBet, through which the Russian gambling product continues to operate in Ukraine, and at the same time an acquirer of assets that left the orbit of Stolar, Rabinovych and other representatives of the pro-Russian business. Some worked for Russian influence for years, others bought up what remained after them. So why has the state still not put a full stop to this story and applied sanctions to both?