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Automatically translated version. May contain inaccuracies compared to the original.
Vemir Davityan is a little-known businessman around whom, over recent years, an entire conglomerate of business, political, and criminal stories has formed. His name has been linked to informal influence over Zaporizhzhia, contacts with David Arakhamia and the Office of the President, use of an expensive Porsche by an official from Bankova, agricultural assets, humanitarian cargoes, and criminal proceeding No. ¹52022000000000137. In 2026, another important development was added — reports of Davityan’s presence in Austria and Slovakia and of managing part of his Ukrainian business through family circles.
This was reported by from-ua.
It is important to consider this not as a set of separate scandals. One story concerns political contacts, another — a car for a high-ranking official, a third — a criminal case, a fourth — agricultural assets, a fifth — humanitarian aid. Taken together they demonstrate a much broader structure: business resources, political access, regional connections, and assets that can be controlled through various formal owners and managers.
Bankova, Arakhamia, and political influence without an official position
In 2021, Ukrainska Pravda wrote that sources told the outlet they called Davityan an informal curator of Zaporizhzhia region on behalf of the authorities. Journalists recorded his car near the Office of the President, and Davityan himself was linked to David Arakhamia. Arakhamia confirmed a long acquaintance and family friendship, while Davityan denied that he acted as a political curator of the region.
This is where the story of informal power begins. Davityan was neither a regional governor, a member of parliament, nor a minister, yet his name regularly appeared alongside people who had direct access to state decisions. Such a resource cannot be seen in a declaration or an organizational chart: it manifests through contacts, access to officials, business arrangements, and the ability to remain a visible figure in the political environment without holding a formal position.
A telling episode was the Porsche Taycan 4S. The car belonged to Novem Logistic LLC, owned by Davityan, and was used by the then-deputy head of the Office of the President, Kyrylo Tymoshenko. Tymoshenko said he had taken the Porsche for test drives several times, but footage published by journalists from surveillance cameras showed the car being used over a longer period. Later Tymoshenko’s wife signed a rental agreement with the company and paid 122 thousand hryvnias. The court closed the administrative case against Tymoshenko in 2023 due to the absence of an offense, but the business link between the car, Davityan’s company, and the high-ranking official remains documented.
For Davityan’s story this is far more important than the Porsche itself. It’s about close ties between private business and the top of the executive branch at a time when this same businessman was already mentioned in conversations about informal influence over a particular region.
Criminal case: No. ¹ 191, legalization, illegal enrichment
The most concrete part of this story is the criminal proceeding No. 52022000000000137, registered on 14 June 2022. Court documents confirm that at first it concerned part 5 of Article 191 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine — embezzlement of property on an especially large scale. Then the case was expanded with an episode under part 3 of Article 209 on legalization of proceeds from crime, as well as materials under Articles 368–5 on illegal enrichment. After searches, the case was supplemented with episodes about illegal handling of drugs and weapons.
An important point: this case did not remain at the operational development stage. Its materials were considered by courts, and the course of the investigation was recorded in court documents. At the initial stage, detectives from the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) were conducting the investigation. In December 2023 the case’s jurisdiction was assigned to investigators of the National Police. Thus, Davityan’s criminal case has a documented procedural trail at least since summer 2022.
A separate episode concerned searches in August 2022, during which the then-secretary of Zaporizhzhia City Council, Anatolii Kurtev, had 230 thousand dollars and nearly 600 thousand hryvnias seized. The defense explained the origin of the money as funds from the parents of his aide. That episode appeared in the broader set of materials of the criminal case.
This is an important fragment of the political picture of the case: business structures, humanitarian flows, and representatives of local authorities end up in a single criminal scheme. That is why Davityan’s story long ago went beyond an ordinary corporate conflict.
200 tons of humanitarian aid and the Zaporizhzhia resource
After the start of the full-scale war, the story that drew the most resonance was the one about humanitarian aid. Publications related to the criminal case mention approximately 200 tons of humanitarian cargo that ended up in warehouses in Zaporizhzhia region. Investigative authors link Davityan and a number of regional officials to this story.
The same materials describe much larger volumes of humanitarian logistics — sea containers, rail wagons, and trucks. According to the authors, some of the cargo may have been diverted from its intended route, and the resources obtained may have been used in schemes of appropriation or resale. These claims are part of journalistic investigations and are not equivalent to a court verdict, but the criminal proceeding number and its transfer from NABU to the National Police are confirmed by separate documents and reports.
In this story the volume of cargo is not the only important factor. Humanitarian resources in a frontline region mean control over logistics, warehouses, transport, and access to officials who determine delivery routes. If a network of private companies and officials arises around such a flow, it creates a completely different scale of influence than ordinary business with grain or real estate.
Agricultural business: land, grain, warehouses, and export
The second pillar of the system is the agricultural sector. Mykhailivskyi Raioagropostach JSC engages in grain, seeds, feed, post-harvest operations, freight transport, and warehousing infrastructure. As of 31 March 2026, among the major shareholders of the company are Liana Vemirivna Davityan with a stake of 17,5518%, Oleksandr Petrovskyi with the same share, and Halyna Shalamova with 54,1095%.
This structure is significant because it indicates not merely the presence of the Davityan surname in business, but concrete access to large agricultural assets. Mykhailivskyi Raioagropostach is engaged in exactly the types of activities that provide control over commodity flows: procurement and wholesale trade of grain, storage, transport, and post-harvest processing.
In parallel, publications from 2025–2026 years link the company to illegal removal of agricultural products from temporarily occupied territories. This is so far not a fact established by a court, but it is one of the central themes of critical investigations related to Davityan’s business ties.
In any case the corporate math remains simple: Davityan’s relative owns 17,55% of shares, Petrovskyi another 17,55%, and the company controls agriculturally and logistically critical infrastructure for the region.
Austria and Slovakia: the other half of the business map
In September 2026 new information appeared — about Davityan being outside the country. Publications from 25 September claim that he is between Austria and Slovakia, and that part of his assets are connected to real estate in Vienna, Bratislava, and Uzhhorod. They also claim that the management of the Ukrainian part of the business is handled by his father-in-law, Oleksandr Haidar.
This is a fundamental change in the geography of the story. If earlier the main arena of events was the Zaporizhzhia region, now a European contour appears in the scheme. Some assets, investigators assert, may be located or controlled outside Ukraine, while operational activity is still tied to Ukrainian companies.
Companies associated with Haidar are mentioned separately: Lux-07, Logistic-VVN, Logistic VVN Group, as well as Avim Estate, STK Avangard, Gratsiya 2019, Ukrbuilding-company, and other structures.
If this model is true, its logic is obvious: the owner or key figure may be abroad while Ukrainian assets are managed by relatives and trusted managers. This allows separating a person’s physical location, formal management, and operational activity of companies.
This is why Austria in this story is not merely a decorative detail about a place of residence. It concerns jurisdiction, control over property, and the ability to sustain a business network at a distance.
A family system instead of a single beneficiary
Davityan has no need to register all assets under one surname. Part of the corporate story passes through relatives, partners, and distinct legal entities. This is particularly noticeable in the example of Mykhailivskyi Raioagropostach, where Liana Davityan’s share remains in the ownership structure, while some older records about beneficiaries have changed.
Meanwhile his father-in-law Oleksandr Haidar appears, who is credited with managing part of the business. Publications link his companies to logistics, the agricultural sector, and other assets that are part of Davityan’s broader circle.
This forms a corporate structure that is difficult to assess from a single registration record. One must consider the aggregate of companies, family ties, shareholdings, directors, and actual areas of activity. In that context it becomes clear how a business network can continue to operate even when the key figure steps back from operational management.
Petrovskyi — a link, but not the whole story
Oleksandr Petrovskyi indeed plays an important role in this story. Ukrainian media called him a criminal authority with the nickname “Narik,” and Davityan was linked to his charitable foundation. Today Petrovskyi also remains one of the major shareholders of Mykhailivskyi Raioagropostach.
But reducing all of Davityan’s influence to Petrovskyi simplifies the picture. There are separate contacts with Arakhamia, the Porsche and Tymoshenko episode, agricultural assets, the criminal proceeding and humanitarian aid, the family business contour, and the new reports about Austria and Slovakia.
The intersection of these directions is the main point.
Petrovskyi is one node. Arakhamia is another. Bankova is a third. Zaporizhzhia agricultural business is a fourth. The family structure is a fifth. The European contour is a sixth.
Together they form a far more complex system than simply “a businessman who maintains friendly relations with influential people.”
Why Austria changes the perception of the whole construct
Before the international component appeared, Davityan could be considered primarily a regional businessman with political ties. The emergence of Austria and Slovakia adds questions about moving assets, real estate, actual business management, and the ability to preserve control outside Ukrainian jurisdiction.
At the same time Ukrainian registries show that Davityan’s business structure has not disappeared. He remains connected to companies in the automotive, legal, security, investment, agricultural, and other sectors. Current data on Mykhailivskyi Raioagropostach also indicate that Liana Davityan’s stake in a major agricultural asset has been preserved.
Therefore the key question now is not only where Davityan is physically located. Far more important is who controls his assets, who signs documents, who owns the shares, who runs the companies, and whether his influence on Zaporizhzhia business and the political environment is maintained through this network.
And here again the political and criminal components intersect. When a business has access to officials, operates in strategic sectors, appears in a criminal proceeding, and its key participants and assets are distributed among different people and jurisdictions, the issue is no longer about a single entrepreneur.
It concerns an entire system of connections — from Bankova and Zaporizhzhia officials to agricultural companies, humanitarian logistics, family structures, and assets that, according to recent publications, extend to Austria and Slovakia.
Document: PDF proof of the original version of the news item "Від люксових Porsche для Банкової до виведення активів: як неофіційний куратор Вемір Давітян приховує свої статки за кордоном". It records the publication content at the moment of the first scan, the preservation date and the source: Rozsliduvach.
