Shadow “alliance” of Dnipro: how Vitaliy Kryvorucho became at the center of stories about call centers, business, and ties to Kamil Primakov

In Dnipro’s investigations in recent years, former and current security officials increasingly appear alongside names of businessmen and politicians. One of the most prominent figures in this story is Vitaliy Viktorovych Kryvorucho, a former first deputy head of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) in Dnipropetrovsk region.

In Dnipro’s investigations in recent years, former and current security officials increasingly appear alongside names of businessmen and politicians. One of the most prominent figures in this story is Vitaliy Viktorovych Kryvorucho, a former first deputy head of the SBU administration in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast.

His career in the security service ended after the Revolution of Dignity and the lustration processes. But Kryvorucho did not disappear from public life. On the contrary, his name began to appear in materials about business, local politics, energy, and possible connections with Dnipro call centers.

Vitaliy Kryvorucho

Journalists particularly often mention him in the context of his relations with Dnipro City Council deputy Kamil Primakov. As of autumn 2026 years, we are not talking about isolated acquaintances but about an entire system of intersections: former security officials, business groups, family ties, a luxurious lifestyle, and companies created already during full-scale war.

Career in the SBU and events 2014 year

During Viktor Yanukovych’s presidency, Vitaliy Kryvorucho held a key position in the regional SBU administration — he was the first deputy head of the Security Service of Ukraine in Dnipropetrovsk region.

His name was also mentioned in materials about events in the winter 2013–2014 years in Dnipro. In a number of journalistic publications Kryvorucho was linked to coordinating the security bloc during the standoff around the Dnipropetrovsk regional administration in January 2014. At that time, during clashes with protesters, both law enforcement officers and so-called “titushky” groups acted, and dozens of people were injured.

However, when it comes to personal responsibility of specific officials for those events, it is important to separate political assessments and journalistic statements from facts established by investigation or court. After the change of power Kryvorucho’s career in the SBU ended, and his name fell into the context of lustration legislation.

Later he tried to move into public politics. In 2015 year he was associated with the “Renaissance” project, and in 2020 he tried to run for office from a different political force. Yet a full political career did not materialize.

After the SBU: business and new connections

After leaving service Kryvorucho gradually moved from the public arena to the business environment. It was precisely in this period that his name began to appear more often alongside Kamil Primakov.

Journalistic materials describe Kryvorucho as a man with broad connections in security structures and regional business who could act as an informal partner or intermediary on issues where contacts with the law enforcement system are especially important.

One of the topics that generated the most questions is the so-called “offices,” i.e., fraudulent call centers. Dnipro has long been cited as one of the centers of this business. These are structures whose employees call people in Ukraine and abroad, present themselves as bank, investment company, or cryptocurrency platform staff, and try to gain access to victims’ money.

Such business requires premises, technical infrastructure, a large number of employees, bank accounts, and constant cash movement. Journalists repeatedly asked: how can such noticeable networks operate for years without systemic interference by law enforcement?

Father and son Kryvoruchko

The family Kryvoruchko draws special attention in this story. Vitaliy Kryvorucho himself has extensive experience in the SBU and a broad network of contacts formed during his service.

Anton Kryvorucho, Vitaliy’s son, also works in the SBU

His son Anton Kryvorucho, according to several media, has also built a career in the Security Service of Ukraine. This fact alone does not indicate any violations. But the combination of the father’s old connections and the son’s access to the current security system has given rise to numerous assumptions in journalistic investigations. Such a configuration could give the family access to insider information and help business partners avoid trouble with law enforcement.

Luxurious lifestyle and questions about income

Another focus of journalistic attention is the family’s lifestyle. In 2024–2026 years, media analyzed public pages of Anton Kryvorucho’s wife — Daryna Danilova. In photos and videos one could see trips abroad, expensive hotels, designer clothing and accessories. Journalists identified Hermès Birkin bags, Dior items, and other luxury-brand items whose value can reach tens of thousands of euros.

Luxurious lifestyle of the family for many years

Publications also mentioned trips to Austria, Italy, Dubai, France, and Croatia after the start of the full-scale war. Expensive wardrobe or travel in itself is not proof of illegal income. The question arises when the lifestyle significantly exceeds the officially understood level of income of the person or their family.

Norwegian business of daughter-in-law? the money of father and son?

According to journalists, part of the family business is connected with selling elite cosmetics through stores in large shopping centers in Dnipro and Kyiv. Formally this business is registered to relatives. So the key question here is simple: do the family’s legitimate incomes explain the level of its expenditures?

New interest — energy sector

In 2026 year Vitaliy Kryvorucho’s business history gained another direction — energy. According to open registries and journalistic materials, during the year new legal entities linked to the energy sector were registered.

Publications also suggested that the development of these companies could have occurred with participation of capital or business connections of Kamil Primakov. The mere fact of simultaneous appearance of new companies and old personal ties between their participants does not yet prove a joint financial scheme.

However, here one can speak about a concrete direction for verification: the structure of company ownership, their funding sources, movement of funds, related persons and contracts. Especially if we are talking about a sector that has strategic importance during the war.

Why does Kryvorucho’s story raise so many questions?

The problem in this story is not that a former SBU employee, after leaving, went into business. That is entirely legal. The problem arises from the combination of several factors: past in the security services and long-standing contacts in the law enforcement environment, together with proximity to local politicians and businessmen.

Added to this are publications about possible connections with call centers, the family’s luxurious lifestyle, and new business projects in strategic sectors. Each element alone could have a perfectly lawful explanation. But when they form a single picture, it naturally raises the question whether competent authorities have investigated it. Not on the level of rumors or political statements, but legally: through movement of funds, corporate connections, declarations, banking operations, and potential conflicts of interest.

And the key question remains the same: is there a system in Dnipro in which old connections in the security services, political influence, and private business mutually protect one another — and if so, why has this not become the subject of a full investigation yet?