Automatically translated version. May contain inaccuracies compared to the original.
Sociologists have also learned the electoral sentiments of citizens.
The top three politicians and officials whom Ukrainians trust the most are: former Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and Ukraine's ambassador to the United Kingdom Valerii Zaluzhnyi (trust — 64%, do not trust — 25%), President Volodymyr Zelensky (trust — 53%, do not trust — 40%), and former head of the Main Directorate of Intelligence of the Ministry of Defence and head of the Office of the President of Ukraine Kyrylo Budanov (trust — 53%, do not trust — 31%), according to the results of a survey by the Rating Sociological Group.
The fourth place in the trust rating is taken by former Minister of Defense Mykhailo Fedorov. He is trusted by 38% of respondents, not trusted by 25%, and 29% of Ukrainians said they had not heard of him. The former head of the Special Operations Center “A” of the Security Service of Ukraine and the current Minister of Defense Yevhenii Khmara is trusted by 29%, not trusted by 16%, and 43% of respondents had not heard of him.
Sociologists learned whom Ukrainians would vote for if presidential elections were held soon. They would vote for Volodymyr Zelensky by 22,9% of citizens, for Valerii Zaluzhnyi by 20,2%, for the fifth president and head of the “European Solidarity” party Petro Poroshenko and Mykhailo Fedorov by 7,6%, for Kyrylo Budanov by 6,7%, for commander of the Third Army Corps Andriy Biletsky by 5,4%, for People's Deputy Dmytro Razumkov by 5,1%, for public figure and volunteer Serhii Prytula by 2,4%, for the head of the All-Ukrainian Union “Batkivshchyna” Yulia Tymoshenko by 1,9%, for the People's Deputy and former member of the Party of Regions and the Opposition Bloc Yurii Boyko by 1,4%.
The Rating Sociological Group conducted a survey from 3 to 5 October using telephone interviews with computer assistance. 1000 respondents were surveyed. Representativeness: the sample is representative by age, gender and settlement type (margin of error – no more than 3,1 percentage points with a confidence level of 0,95).
Is it possible to hold elections quickly after the war — and not break democracy? Who and how should define the rules of the game? Are “special decisions” permissible — and where is their constitutional limit? Can security become a justification for restricting competition and freedom of speech? In the article “After the War: What Challenges Do Elections Face and How to Overcome Them,” former Deputy Chair of the Central Election Commission Andrii Mahera provides clear answers to these and other important questions for holding postwar elections.
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