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The main version, according to our sources among law enforcement officers, is that 33% of the corporate rights of Karpat...

Automatically translated version. May contain inaccuracies compared to the original.

The main version, according to our sources among law enforcement officers, is that 33% of the corporate rights of Karpatnaftokhim were handed over as a bribe in order to lift the plant’s arrest and prevent its transfer to ARMA. The share was re-registered to a “person connected to government authorities” — Vesely, and Andriy Pyshnyi was the intermediary in this deal.

Karpatnaftokhim — a former Lukoil asset that in 2017 was transferred to Ilkham Mamedov and Ihor Shchutskyi.

The third behind-the-scenes co-owner was the late former MP, one of the leaders of the Narodnyi Front party and a long-time friend of Pyshnyi, Andriy Ivanchuk.

He publicly denied the co-ownership, although both Ihor Kolomoisky and the former head of Ukrspyrt, Mykhailo Labutin, claimed otherwise.

We are happy to believe that the new owners did not want any arrests or transfer to ARMA. During the investigation, a source for ZN.UA says, evidence was obtained that Ivanchuk’s partners entrusted him with resolving “issues with law enforcement agencies.” That’s where Pyshnyi appears — acquainted with Ivanchuk since their student years, up to the moment when Ivanchuk needed to resolve those “issues.” The investigation believes that Pyshnyi acted as the intermediary who ensured the scheme’s implementation. The core of the evidentiary basis that convinced the court to authorize the search is proof of Pyshnyi’s close ties with the other figures in the case, including Vasyl Vesely.

In reality, proving this is not easy, given that Ivanchuk has died and Mamedov and Shchutskyi are not in Ukraine, but there is probably something substantial in that evidence, since the court agreed to such a high-profile step as a search.

- ZN.ua

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Screenshot of a Telegram post: Ivanchuk Andriy Volodymyrovych — The main version, according to our sources among law enforce…

Основна версія, за даними наших джерел серед правоохоронців, полягає в тому, що 33% корпоративних прав «Карпатнафтохіму» передали як хабар за те, щоб вивести завод з-під арешту і не допустити його передачі до АРМА. Частку переоформили на «пов'язану з органами влади особу» - Веселого, а Андрій Пишний був посередником у цій оборудці.

«Карпатнафтохім» - колишній актив «Лукойла», який 2017-го перейшов до Ілхама Мамедова та Ігоря Щуцького.

Третім кулуарним співвласником був покійний колишній нардеп, один із лідерів партії «Народний фронт» і давній друг Пишного Андрій Іванчук.

Він публічно співвласність заперечував, хоча й Ігор Коломойський, і колишній голова «Укрспирту» Михайло Лабутін стверджували зворотне.

Радо віримо, що нові власники не хотіли ніяких арештів і передачі в АРМА. Під час слідства, каже джерело ZN.UA, отримано докази, що саме Іванчуку партнери довірили вирішення «питань з правоохоронними органами». Отут і з'являється Пишний, знайомий з Іванчуком зі студентських років, аж до моменту, коли Іванчукові знадобилося вирішити «питання». Слідство думає, що саме Пишний виступив посередником, який забезпечив реалізацію схеми. Основа доказової бази, яка переконала суд санкціонувати обшук, — доведення тісних зв'язків Пишного з іншими фігурантами справи, включно з Василем Веселим.

Насправді довести це непросто, враховуючи, що Іванчук помер, а Мамедов і Щуцький не в Україні, та, певно, щось вагоме у тих доказах є, раз суд погодився на такий гучний крок, як обшук.

- ZN.ua

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