10 the most scandalous anti-corruption investigations of the year

10 the most scandalous anti-corruption investigations of the year

A hit parade of investigations carried out by journalists. Meanwhile, Venediktova and Bakanov are working for Russia.

Journalists from the publication “Nashi Hroshi” considered only those investigations in this piece that concern corruption in public finances. Information about the existence of such investigations is simple: they constantly monitor more than 100 Ukrainian outlets. Therefore, even if they missed something, it is more likely an exception than the rule.

Unfortunately, we must state that in 2020, regional media have almost completely lost interest or the skills to write materials on anti-corruption topics. Therefore, practically the entire ranking is made up of national publications.

Tymoshenko’s people struck a “pact” about Kyiv development with Zelensky’s “watcher” and Chernovetsky’s son. Bihus.info.

Vlada Molchanova’s power

The circle around the head of Kyiv’s Batkivshchyna and Vitaliy Nestor, through a joint construction project, is connected to the so-called “watcher” of the capital, Denys Komarnytskyi.

This became known from documents that Geo Leros — a member of parliament and former advisor to Zelensky — handed over to NABU and Bihus.info in June.

In particular, the documents revealed that one of the founders of the construction company “Stolitsa Group,” Vlada Molchanova, who was a trusted associate of the leader of the Batkivshchyna party, Yulia Tymoshenko, allegedly negotiated a joint buyout and future development of the Kommash factory territory on Vasylkivska Street in Kyiv with Denys Komarnytskyi. Media call Komarnytskyi the President’s Office “watcher” for Kyiv. Later, the son of former Kyiv mayor Leonid Chernovetskyi — Stepan Chernovetskyi — joined the project. The documents also showed that companies linked to Komarnytskyi over the last several years won about 13 billion UAH in tenders from Kyiv utilities.

Avtomagistral-Pivden laundered at least 340 million in six months through a single “front” company. Inna Popovych, Watchdogs.Info.

LLC “Avtomagistral-Pivden” through an affiliated intermediary LLC “Medan” inflated the cost of materials on the construction of just one road — H-31 — by at least 340 million UAH. This is a highway from the president Volodymyr Zelensky’s hometown, which was among the first to be included in a Cabinet resolution as to be built with funds from the COVID-19 Relief Fund.

“Avtomagistral-Pivden” purchased building materials through its own intermediary, which in seven months of work received from the “parent” firm more than 1,10 billion UAH. Taking into account price markups via the “intermediary” of at least 30%, the company charged the state tenders for these losses by more than 340 million UAH. That is nearly 700 ventilators or 8,5 thousand oxygen concentrators, the shortage of which is currently observed in hospitals.

“Avtomagistral-Pivden” is part of a “road cartel” that receives funds under Zelensky’s “Great Construction” program.

How Energoatom sells electricity to Kolomoiskyi and Akhmetov. Yurii Vinnchiuk, “Biznes-Censor.”

State-owned Energoatom sold electricity at auctions to traders within the orbit of Ihor Kolomoiskyi and Rinat Akhmetov with record discounts to the market spot price. The discount reached up to 42%, which is four to five times higher than discounts allowed for participants in the bilateral contract market on the day-ahead market.

Such a discount became possible by limiting competition through offering large lots for sale. For example, on just 13 November under this scheme Energoatom lost 68 million UAH in profit.

Since April 2020, Petro Kotin has been acting head of Energoatom; before that he led the Zaporizhzhia NPP. Market participants call him not an independent figure. The real leaders of the company are the two first vice presidents: Herman Halushchenko and Hartmut Yakub. They were appointed to Energoatom at the initiative of the president’s first assistant — Serhii Shefir, who, on behalf of the President, conducts dialogue with the oligarchs. Primarily, with Ihor Kolomoiskyi and Rinat Akhmetov.

If over nine months of 2019 Energoatom earned 4,24 billion UAH in profit, then over the same period this year almost 5 billion UAH in losses were already recorded.

The prosecutor who did not imprison Yurii Boiko received the Naftusi deposit from Boiko’s circle. “Nashi Hroshi. Lviv”

At the beginning of February 2020, the new co-owner of LLC “Truskavetski Likuvanni Vody,” previously owned by the circle of former energy minister Yurii Boiko (OPZZh), became former first deputy military prosecutor Volodymyr Zherbytskyi. He acquired a quarter of the charter capital after he had already retired.

While serving as a prosecutor, Zherbytskyi investigated Serhii Kurchenko’s schemes in the banking sector and with liquefied gas, in which Boiko was implicated. In 2017 Serhii Leshchenko stated that in the liquefied gas case the GPU had prepared a request to the Verkhovna Rada to lift parliamentary immunity and detain MP Yurii Boiko, whom it considered “a participant in Serhii Kurchenko’s criminal organization.” But preparing does not mean filing…

After visits to the Ministry of Health by the owner of “Link-Medital,” its director became a deputy minister. Lesia Ivanova, “Nashi Hroshi z Denysom Bihusom.”

Baryshevskyi (left) and Ivashchenko in front of the Ministry of Health building

The owner of the pharmaceutical company “Link-Medital,” Oleksii Baryshevskyi, visited the Ministry of Health for an entire week ahead of the appointment of his manager Ihor Ivashchenko as deputy minister of health for European integration.

Under Raisa Bohatyriova’s ministry, Ivashchenko belonged to Roman Bohachev’s team, under whom MOH tenders were among the most corrupt in Ukraine’s history. “Link-Medital,” where deputy minister Ivashchenko worked as commercial director, is a known player in budget medical procurement. The firm is a dealer of dialysis materials and hemophilia drugs. At the same time, the firm sells drugs significantly more expensively than prices in neighboring countries.

Centrenergo, at Energoatom’s expense, supplied Kolomoiskyi’s plants with cheap electricity. Oleksandr Chornovalov, “Skhemy” Radio Svoboda.

Since the beginning of 2020, state PJSC “Centrenergo” sold a large volume of electricity at prices that were below cost and the market. This made it possible to sell the entire declared volume, but if it had been produced on the market, a imbalance could have occurred. To prevent that, Centrenergo’s contractual needs were covered at Energoatom’s expense.

Overall, in six months under this scheme Centrenergo obtained electricity with a 50% discount worth almost 3 billion UAH. The buyers were companies associated with Ihor Kolomoiskyi.

With the support of the President’s Office, a partner-minister’s “front” was inserted into the Odesa Port Plant scheme. Serhii Kuyun, “Dzerkalo Tyzhnia.”

Serhii Shefir

Under President Volodymyr Zelensky’s administration, the supplier of toll processing gas to Odesa Port Plant became the little-known LLC “Agro Gaz Trading.” The plant signed a contract with this firm back in August 2019; during the following year the State Property Fund and OPP held the toller-selection competition twice, but each time unsuccessfully. Among those who lost were firms linked to Ihor Kolomoiskyi, Azerbaijan’s Socar, and Vitalii Antonov’s OKKO group.

The unsuccessful competitions allowed OPP to continue working with “Agro Gaz Trading,” which then sold the urea received for the gas to global traders.

“All issues regarding OPP are decided in the administration by a person whose surname begins with the letter Sh,” — several of my interlocutors at the SPF, at OPP and in the gas market immediately told me. I checked the official website of the President’s Office and did not find any leadership names starting with Sh,” — Kuyun wrote.

The president’s first assistant is Serhii Shefir.

Kubrakov’s media partners published data about Zelensky’s resort connection with the owners of Onur. “StopKor”

In 2017 the comedians of “Kvartal-95” performed at the Turkish hotel “Hilton Dalaman Sarıgerme Resort & Spa” and planned to repeat their show “Veselo” there in 2020. The mentioned hotel is the first Hilton-branded resort in Turkey in the Sarigerme tourist center. It was built by the local company “Göçay” on behalf of the company “Onur.”

After Zelensky’s election as president in 2019, during a visit to Onur’s road construction site he openly suggested awarding contracts to the Turkish firm.

And at the beginning of 2020, Göçay and Onur staged a tender between themselves for 12 billion UAH to build a bridge over the Dnipro in Zaporizhia, and Ukravtodor, in order to ensure the Turks’ victory, removed about half a dozen other Ukrainian and foreign companies from the tender under various pretexts.

Onur entered the road cartel in the “Great Construction” as one of six firms that divided 67% of all Ukravtodor’s contracts for road repair and construction.

Stepanov’s and Avakov’s circles received 50 million from driver’s licenses without tenders. Vadym Korshenko (“Nashi Hroshi. Zaporizhzhia”) for Bihus.Info.

Two firms created by former employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (LLC “Topptek” and LLC “Kompaniia ‘Topptek’”) since 2015 have received more than 50 million UAH from MIA structures under Arsen Avakov. The money went to servicing printers for printing driver’s licenses. The companies’ monopoly status was ensured by Inte Graph International FZE, a business partner of the health minister Maksym Stepanov, who was previously also involved in the process of printing these licenses.

Zelensky’s “Great Construction” turned out to be the completion of half-finished projects at local expense. Olha Komarova, Radio Svoboda.

Most of the projects included in President Volodymyr Zelensky’s “Great Construction” initiative were at a final stage of construction and 10 were only long-term projects from previous years. Funds for these works, as under the previous administration, came from the State Regional Development Fund; many constructions are completed without any participation of the state budget, and instead with funds from local budgets.

At the same time, regions claimed that the regional state administrations selected projects for the presidential program that were at their final construction stage and were soon to be opened.

The openings of many long-term projects were later attended personally by President Zelensky ahead of the local elections in the fall; special ceremonies were held on those occasions.

Yurii Shkoliarenko, published in Nashi Hroshi