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Automatically translated version. May contain inaccuracies compared to the original.
The bureau's investigations have already caused personnel consequences for ministers and members of the presidential circle.
The National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine has over ten years transformed into one of the most influential law enforcement bodies in the country. A new manifestation of this influence was the resignation of Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko after an investigation into a possible scheme protecting fraudulent call centers. This was reported by the Financial Times.
Before his resignation, Kravchenko and anti-corruption bodies released about 35 minutes of materials with recordings and other evidence. The investigation argues that a high-ranking employee of the Office of the Prosecutor General could have ensured their protection from law enforcement agencies. Kravchenko himself was not charged in this case and denied any involvement. He explained the resignation as a refusal to allow the office of the Prosecutor General to be used in political confrontation.
The Financial Times notes that this episode was only the latest example of how much the role of NABU has changed in Ukrainian political life. The bureau was created in 2015 in the wake of post-revolution reforms to combat corruption among high-ranking officials. In its early days it had limited resources and mostly dealt with cases related to already committed violations. Over time, investigators accumulated experience and began to intervene in schemes even when officials remained in their positions. The head of NABU’s Detective Division, Oleksandr Abakumov, told the publication that the bureau investigated the activities of more than 60 members of parliament.
The full-scale Russian invasion added new lines of work for anti-corruption bodies. Large state expenditures on defense created heightened public demand for oversight of budget spending. Detectives investigated possible kickbacks and inflated prices in procurement of products, provision of housing to service members, and purchases of drones and armor for tanks. These cases made the bureau much more visible and at the same time intensified the political confrontation surrounding its work.
Over the recent period NABU investigations touched a number of people close to the authorities. The bureau's work led to the resignation or dismissal of two cabinet ministers, a senior presidential adviser, and a former head of the President's Office. The people involved in the cases denied wrongdoing. Now the very risk of becoming the subject of such investigations constantly influences the behavior of Ukraine's political class. Former EU diplomat and R.Politik analyst Balash Yarabik likened the politicians' situation to a 'Damoclean sword' hanging over them.
One of the most resonant lines involved cases related to contracts for fortification structures to protect energy infrastructure. Anti-corruption bodies investigated possible kickbacks in such deals. The result of the political crisis around these investigations were personnel decisions regarding the ministers of energy and justice. At the same time, NABU cases began to come closer to the president's inner circle.
Particularly notable was the case of Andriy Yermak, who previously led the President's Office and for a long time was one of Vladimir Zelensky's closest allies. NABU detectives conducted investigative actions against him, and Yermak later obtained the status of a suspect in a money-laundering case. Anti-corruption bodies claimed a scheme to launder 460 million hryvnias through luxury construction near Kyiv. Yermak denies the charges against him.
The strengthening of NABU was accompanied by attempts to curb its autonomy. Last year the authorities supported legislative changes that significantly weakened the independence of NABU and SAP. The decision sparked street protests in Ukraine and a sharp reaction from Western partners. After pressure from within the country and abroad, the presidential team backed away from these changes. The preservation of independence of anti-corruption bodies has since allowed them to pursue cases against representatives of the highest echelons of power.
However, the confrontation between NABU and other security bodies did not end. The bureau continues to face pressure from competing law enforcement agencies. Some deputies also accuse the anti-corruption authority of politicization and of using criminal proceedings to influence political processes. NABU itself rejects such claims.
NABU Director Semen Krivonoss emphasizes that fighting corruption does not contradict the goal of winning the war. He rejected the argument that there is a need to choose between effective state defense and an independent anti-corruption system. In his view, these tasks should be carried out simultaneously. It is the bureau's independence, notes the Financial Times, that has become one of the key mechanisms for controlling Ukraine's political elite during the war.
Recall that amid the strengthening of NABU and SAP, journalists warned of a new attempt to pressure the anti-corruption system. This concerns the creation of a temporary investigative committee to check the work of anti-corruption bodies. Investigative journalists believe its powers could be used for political influence. Similar attempts to interfere with the work of independent institutions have already drawn criticism in Ukraine.
Additionally, against the backdrop of confrontation with anti-corruption bodies, then-Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko was apparently preparing a counterstrike against NABU and SAP. During searches at the first deputy prosecutor general Maria Vdovichenko as part of the Karfagen operation, materials about surveillance of NABU Director Semen Krivonoss, SAP head Oleksandr Klymenko, their families and subordinates were found.
Document: PDF proof of the original version of the news item "Антикорупційне бюро посилило вплив на українську політику під час війни — FT". It records the publication content at the moment of the first scan, the preservation date and the source: ZN.ua.
