Journalists Showed “Servants of the People” near the “Closed” Verkhovna Rada: “Bah-ing,” Traffic Fines, Accused of Treason

Journalists Showed “Servants of the People” near the “Closed” Verkhovna Rada: “Bah-ing,” Traffic Fines, Accused of Treason

The government quarter, like the Verkhovna Rada located in it, has been closed to journalists for more than a year and a half — since the start of the full-scale invasion.

There is only the camera of one media outlet in parliament — the state TV channel Rada.

This decision is justified by security measures — they say it is related to a “high level of danger.” Although some deputies themselves report in real time on social media what is happening at meetings, or they run streams. Journalists from the Schemes project went to the government quarter to lift the curtain a little and see what members of the Ukrainian parliament are doing during the war. In particular, which cars they drive to work while journalists “do not see” them.

What are deputies hiding? What is happening at the approaches to parliament at this time? And why is the document that prohibits media access to the Verkhovna Rada so classified?

And do deputies plan to open parliament to journalists?

How deputies get to the Rada

October 2023. Morning. A line of cars waiting to get closer to the Verkhovna Rada.

In the crush — a car driven by the assistant to Servant of the People deputy Eduard Proshchuk — Mykola Turyk.

Assistant to Servant of the People deputy Eduard Proshchuk — Mykola Turyk

“How do they even let you in by car?” the Schemes journalist asked him.

“By the lists.”

“So you were on the list?”

“I was, because I work here.”

“They don’t let journalists in. Did your deputy put you on the list?”

“The apparatus put me on.”

Mykola Turyk

Later journalists met Anton Yatsenko near the Rada — he has worked continuously as a deputy since 2007. He says he uses the car listed in his declaration. But the Mercedes is not registered to him.

People’s deputy Anton Yatsenko gets into a Mercedes

“This car is not mine,” Yatsenko told the Schemes journalist.

“Who let you drive it?”

“My sister helps sometimes. So what, is that a problem?”

Another deputy the Schemes team saw, Ihor Kisilov — elected from the OPZZh party, which was banned after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Now he is in the Restoration of Ukraine group, formed after the start of the large-scale war. Part of OPZZh’s deputies joined it. We asked whose Mercedes he arrived in.

“I won’t comment, sorry,” Kisilov said as he got into the car.

Deputy Ihor Kisilov, elected from OPZZh, arrived at the Verkhovna Rada in a Mercedes

The Mercedes Kisilov refused to discuss is registered to his wife. In 2017, Rukh Chesno reported that, according to the declaration, his wife gifted herself 10 million hryvnias. Later Kisilov clarified — it was a “gift from his father.”

The Mercedes Kisilov refused to discuss is registered to his wife

Next to a Toyota Land Cruiser appeared deputy Volodymyr Moroz, but he says he came by taxi.

Deputy Volodymyr Moroz next to a Toyota Land Cruiser

“What did you come to work in?” Schemes journalist Serhii Andrushko asked.

“Well, for now I came by taxi because there’s nowhere to park my car,” Moroz replied.

Volodymyr Moroz

The car’s owner, Schemes later found out, is the deputy himself.

Volodymyr Moroz was also elected from OPZZh, which is now banned. He, too, is now in the Restoration of Ukraine group.

And this is a deputy from Odesa — Mykola Skoryk, a former associate of Viktor Medvedchuk, Putin’s godfather. Back in 2020 at a meeting with Medvedchuk and Vadim Rabinovich in Odesa, he said it was an “honor to be on such a team.”

Mykola Skoryk (center), Viktor Medvedchuk (left) and Vadim Rabinovich in 2020 in Odesa

“Do you consider Putin a war criminal?” the journalist asked Skoryk, a deputy from the Platform for Life and Peace group.

“I believe that Russia is, without a doubt, the aggressor… Absolutely, yes.”

Mykola Skoryk

Medvedchuk, who was accused of treason, was detained in 2022. After imprisonment, he was handed over to Moscow in exchange for the release of Ukrainian prisoners. When asked by the journalist about his current attitude toward Medvedchuk, Skoryk said: “negative.”

“The full-scale invasion changed everything. Any other questions?” Skoryk said.

“How is your group (‘Platform for Life and Peace’ — ed.) working now?” the journalist asked. “Do you now cooperate and vote in sync with the ruling majority?”

“It works on the basis of democratic centralism.”

“What does that mean?”

“Decisions are made by a majority of votes in the faction — sorry, in the group.”

Alongside Skoryk in the group “on the basis of democratic centralism” is Vasyl Nimchenko. He, too, is a former associate of Medvedchuk.

Vasyl Nimchenko

During Leonid Kuchma’s presidency Nimchenko worked for 9 years as a judge of the Constitutional Court. He was the reporting judge when the court, by its decision, gave Kuchma the right to run for president a third consecutive time, though Kuchma did not use that right.

“Have you been to Russia in recent years?” the journalist asked Nimchenko.

“I have not been to Russia… I went when I was deputy chairman of the CC. That was 1998,” the deputy answered.

“What were you doing?”

“We met with colleagues from the Constitutional Court.”

“And you voted for Kuchma’s third term as a Constitutional Court judge? Why?”

“Because the Constitution allowed it.”

“Do you still communicate with Medvedchuk?”

“I do not.”

After the ban on OPZZh, Nestor Shufrych and Oleksandr Ponomaryov joined the new Platform for Life and Peace group, but they no longer attend parliament because they are in jail on suspicions of treason.

The investigation’s position is that Shufrych carried out tasks for Volodymyr Sivkovych, whom they consider an FSB agent. Shufrych denies this.

Volodymyr Sivkovych (right) and Nestor Shufrych at a press conference on 9 July 2009

Schemes met Servant of the People deputy Danylo Hetmantsev, a former assistant to Sivkovych when he was still a people’s deputy. They asked about that work.

“Look, when was that? You know, it was the third convocation, right? It was the early 2000s, until 2010. How it happened I don’t remember, but probably someone recommended me. After all, at that time I was an associate professor, now a professor at Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv’s law faculty,” Hetmantsev said.

“And what did you help him with?” the journalist asked.

“I wrote draft laws.”

Danylo Hetmantsev

Thanks to fine registries one can find out that some of the cars in which we noticed deputies have fines for traffic violations.

For example, Servant of the People deputy Dmytro Nalotov, owner of a BMW, had 21 fines for speeding sent to him as of early October. That’s a little more than over a year.

BMW of Servant of the People’s Dmytro Nalotov

Dmytro Nalotov

“I think those are minor speed violations and per year it comes out 1–2 times a month. I don’t think that’s a lot of fines,” Nalotov later commented to Schemes.

At the end of October the system showed the 22-th fine — also for speeding. All fines were paid.

Near the Verkhovna Rada journalists also noticed a Tesla. The “Traffic Fines” service showed 23 fines for it, also for speeding — over a year (of which 21 were for 2023).

The car was registered at customs in September 2022, meaning it arrived in Ukraine six months after the full-scale invasion.

A passenger in the Tesla looked like Larysa Bilozir, a people’s deputy from Vinnytsia from the Dovira group. According to Schemes’ sources, the owner of the car is her brother. Schemes sent the deputy a request for comment.

The editorial office has not yet received a response, but after this two unpaid fines that had been in the Traffic Fines system since June were paid.

The Tesla passenger resembles Larysa Bilozir

The film crew noticed another vehicle — a Lexus SUV in which a passenger began leaning back in his seat when the camera was pointed at him.

Lexus SUV in which a passenger began leaning back in his seat when filmed

He resembles developer-deputy Viktor Myalyk. The Lexus is registered to him. He is from the Party for the Future group, which Rukh Chesno links to oligarch Ihor Kolomoisky.

The passenger in the Lexus resembles developer-deputy Viktor Myalyk

The State Bureau of Investigations suspected the deputy of tax evasion totaling 97 million hryvnias.

“On what grounds did they serve me with a suspicion? I know I am clean before God and before the law, and everything,” Myalyk commented on the case in 2021.

A Mercedes paused in front of the journalists’ cameras and began to turn around. In April 2022 another car with the same plates stopped Hryhoriy Surkis when he was leaving with 13 watches abroad.

A Mercedes paused in front of the journalists’ cameras and began to turn around. In April 2022 another car with the same plates stopped Hryhoriy Surkis

Hryhoriy Surkis — former president of Dynamo Kyiv and a former associate of pro‑Russian politician Viktor Medvedchuk.

Hryhoriy Surkis (left) and Oleksandr Popov, former head of the Kyiv City State Administration, accused in a criminal proceeding regarding the dispersal of Euromaidan on the night of 29 to 30 November 2013

The car with these plates was also mentioned in a case about tax nonpayment by Dynamo Kyiv’s officials. But in January 2022 the National Police closed the proceedings — “expiration of the pretrial investigation period.”

Schemes was informed of this by the Kyiv City Prosecutor’s Office in response to a request.

Near one Maybach journalists noticed developer-deputy Vadym Stolar from the banned OPZZh. But he did not want to speak to journalists and silently got into the car.

Near one Maybach journalists noticed developer-deputy Vadym Stolar from the banned OPZZh

The Maybach Stolar left in

Another Maybach near parliament belongs to deputy Dmytro Isaienko, elected from OPZZh.

Maybach that belongs to deputy Dmytro Isaienko

The Anti‑Corruption Bureau suspects him of attempting to seize a plot in Kyiv for development larger than the capital’s Olympic Stadium — an area of eight hectares.

Dmytro Isaienko

“I need you to give me the site. How he does it… (likely referring to the head of the VRU affairs management) I don’t care,” the deputy said on recordings of conversations published by NABU in March this year.

Isaienko denies everything.

The “Closed” Rada

Deputies, including from the now banned pro‑Russian OPZZh party, their assistants, drivers, and guards enter the government quarter. But the doors to the Verkhovna Rada have been closed to journalists since the start of the full‑scale invasion.

In May 2022 Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada Ruslan Stefanchuk explained such restrictions on journalists’ activity as a security issue:

“As soon as the security level is normalized, we will certainly return to the traditional parliamentary activities with the participation of parliamentary journalists.”

More than a year later — in September 2023 — Deputy Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada Oleksandr Korniienko explained the ban on journalists by the unfortunate location of the Verkhovna Rada.

“This is a matter of competence of the services that determine and carry out security measures in the government quarter. If the Verkhovna Rada building were not located in the government quarter, I think it would be simpler,” Korniienko said.

How serious are the wartime security measures at the approaches to the Verkhovna Rada?

In October this year Schemes journalist Maksym Savchuk walked unobstructed right up to parliament to ask deputy Oleksandr Gerega about the operation of Epicenter stores in Russian‑occupied Ukrainian territories. No one asked him to show any documents.

Does a document actually exist that restricts journalists’ access to the Verkhovna Rada?

The parliament’s website mentions restrictions only due to the COVID‑19 epidemic.

Schemes sent a request to the Verkhovna Rada asking for information on all documents on which such media restrictions are based. A response arrived a month later. But regarding the ban — not a word. They reported that the Apparatus of the Verkhovna Rada needs to aggregate all data and conduct an analysis to provide an answer.

While journalists are absent, the elected officials broadcast live from parliament themselves.

Recordings of parliamentary sessions show European Solidarity deputy Oleksii Honcharenko walking around the chamber during plenary sessions with a mobile phone on a tripod.

“You are now live‑streaming on TikTok; I’m just informing you that you are violating a resolution, and you are also exposing the sole legislative body of our state and the people present here to a corresponding threat,” Stefanchuk warned him.

“For unclear reasons we closed the Verkhovna Rada to people so they don’t know what’s happening here, we don’t let the press in,” Honcharenko replied.

In September this year parliament restricted live broadcasts from plenary sessions — only the state TV channel Rada is allowed.

The work of this channel inside parliament is regulated by the resolution “On Some Issues of Coverage of the Work of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the Ninth Convocation in Conditions of Martial Law.” Namely: the channel records plenary sessions but publishes them not live, but several hours later.

Although the channel is parliamentary, its broadcasts often do not cover the work of people’s deputies but show interviews with advisors to the head of the Office of the President, for example Serhii Leshchenko or Mykhailo Podoliak.

The opposition criticizes that plenary sessions are shown at night, after people usually have gone to bed.

“Why aren’t journalists allowed into parliament?” the Schemes journalist asked People’s Deputy from European Solidarity Mykhailo Bondar.

“It seems like they don’t want to show this to people. Despite the fact that we adopted a law on coverage of the work of the VRU, they broadcast at night. So people go to bed and do not watch what is happening inside parliament.”

Mykhailo Bondar

The Verkhovna Rada has also become more closed regarding provision of information.

Journalists were refused a request to provide a list of current deputies’ assistants, although these data used to be published on the parliament’s website.

They also did not provide information on all people’s deputies’ foreign business trips for 2023 year.

And, specifically, to the law enforcement committee, which Schemes asked for protocols of meetings, the reply stated the cost of copying pages. In total — almost 1000 hryvnias.

What do deputies think about journalists’ access to parliament?

“If we expect our parliament to work properly for the country and as it should — that’s one thing. If we want to see populist slogans, a competition of populism, then maybe we really need to open the doors. And you personally, what exactly do you want to see that you couldn’t see by watching the broadcast?” Servant of the People deputy Maksym Buzhanskyi said.

“For example, which committee are you on?” the Schemes journalist asked.

“Law enforcement.”

“Please tell us why the law enforcement committee has not published any stenograms or meeting minutes?”

“This is news to me; I was sure our meetings — except those that are of a closed nature — are accessible. I will clarify with the committee chair.”

Maksym Buzhanskyi

“Why don’t they let journalists into the VRU?” the journalist asked another Servant of the People MP, Oleksandr Kovalchuk.

“During wartime, do you mean?”

“Well, now, already a year and a half.”

“You know what legislation was adopted.”

“Explain.”

“The law prohibits people who do not work in the Verkhovna Rada from being there.”

“But journalists from the Rada channel are present.”

“Because they work there. Who bears responsibility if an alarm goes off or something happens.”

Oleksandr Kovalchuk

“When was the last time you met with voters?” the Schemes journalist asked Servant of the People deputy Andrii Herus.

“With voters? Well, you are voters too — I’m meeting you right now.”

“In the deputy reception office?”

“I work in the committee, and everyone who wants can apply to the committee. The Verkhovna Rada used to hold receptions for voters that took place here in the government quarter.”

“But it’s impossible to get into the government quarter?”

“Right now it’s impossible, yes.”

Andrii Herus

Independent deputy Mykola Tyshchenko has not yet figured out the issue.

“What is your position on journalists’ access to the Verkhovna Rada?” the journalist asked Tyshchenko.

“You know, there is no position yet, I can’t say anything,” the MP replied.

“Why?”

“Well, then you have to work on it.”

“With whom?”

“Everyone.”

“So..?”

“Well, everything.”

“Why are you ‘against’? Or are you ‘for’?”

“You know, there’s no position yet.”

Mykola Tyshchenko

There is no position either from Servant of the People deputy, former journalist of 1+1 Serhii Shvets. After Nestor Shufrych ended up in jail, only two deputies remained on the parliamentary committee on freedom of speech, and one of them is Serhii Shvets.

“How do you feel about opening parliament for journalists?” the journalist asked Shvets.

“I have no particular feeling, I feel neutral; there are both ‘for’ and ‘against’ here.”

“Are you personally ‘for’ or ‘against’?”

“I said I want to hear, I want all the arguments ‘for’ and ‘against’ to be voiced in the chamber.”

“Don’t you have your own position?”

“Then I will form my position.”

Serhii Shvets

“You are on the human rights committee, tell us why there is no access for journalists to parliament?” the journalist asked Servant of the People deputy Kostiantyn Kasai.

“We raised this issue. I, by the way, am only ‘for’ having journalists.”

“Before whom did you raise this?”

“I raised it at the committee.”

“And what? Who was ‘against’?”

“There is no (decision) yet, it’s a security issue.”

“What exactly?”

“That there should be no live broadcasts for now. You understand.”

“You can broadcast later.”

“The Rada channel does it. You have the opportunity to talk to people’s deputies whenever.”

“Do you consider that sufficient for us to talk a few hundred meters from the Verkhovna Rada?”

“I don’t know how to measure sufficient or not, but the fact of communication exists.”

“We don’t see what you do in the Verkhovna Rada.”

Kostiantyn Kasai

“What is your position on journalists’ access to the VRU?” the journalist asked People’s Deputy from Batkivshchyna, former SBU head Valentyn Nalyvaichenko.

“Full access should be given.”

“So why don’t they give it? What are deputies afraid of?”

“Not deputies — the mono‑majority decides. We repeatedly put forward a resolution: a) on admission, b) on broadcasting, and c) full openness.”

“What are the arguments?”

“We don’t hear convincing arguments — if it’s about security, and I am a security professional like no one else.”

“Your position?”

“The same security that is required for me or any member of parliament can and must be provided for Ukrainian journalists. A shelter where people can go down. You don’t mind that we will be in the same shelter if there is an air raid? I work on the European Integration Committee. It is very important for us now. We are starting negotiations on Ukraine’s EU membership. Media access and access to information, freedom of speech — one of the key requirements.”

Valentyn Nalyvaichenko

“Parliament must be open to journalists. I am sure openness of parliament is an important element and tool for preserving democracy in the country. It seems to me very harmful both for the parliament and for the country as a whole that since the time of COVID the parliament has been closed and there are no broadcasts. Frankly, it corrupts the parliament from the inside, on the one hand. On the other hand, it desubjectivizes the parliament, meaning people don’t know what the parliament is doing,” said European Solidarity deputy Volodymyr Viatrovych.

Volodymyr Viatrovych

“What is your position on journalists’ access to parliament?” the journalist asked Holos deputy Yaroslav Zhelezniak.

“It’s complete nonsense that it’s closed. Honestly, I see no sense or even logic. You all know when we meet, everyone follows, including my Telegram channel. What’s the point? Are we afraid the Russians will learn about a meeting? But OPZZh is still in the Rada. Thousands of the Rada apparatus, tons of assistants — that ‘reformer’ Ponomaryov with treason, Shufrych with treason — they still get notifications that we are meeting.”

Yaroslav Zhelezniak

Since September this year a press center of the Verkhovna Rada was opened outside the main parliament building, where only a few deputies occasionally give briefings.

Some parliamentarians say the decision to open parliament to journalists rests with Speaker Stefanchuk. Others point to the Office of the President.

“From where are majority decisions dictated?” the Schemes journalist asked Batkivshchyna deputy Oleksii Kucherenko.

“From where?”

“From the decision‑making center.”

Oleksii Kucherenko

“Are you ‘for’ reporters’ access to the corridors?” the journalist asked Anatolii Urbanskyi, a member of the Party for the Future parliamentary group.

“We vote only ‘for’; you need to appeal to the Speaker of the Parliament.”

Anatolii Urbanskyi

On the phone, Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada Ruslan Stefanchuk, asked for time to clarify when asked to provide the document that limited media access to parliament.

“I will clarify, because all this was adopted back when martial law was introduced. Since then we have been actively cooperating with our special services, which constantly send us messages that there is danger, and the parliament is a center of decision‑making,” Stefanchuk said.

“In your opinion as the head of parliament, should journalists be given access to plenary sessions?” the Schemes journalist asked.

“Look, my personal position as Chair of the Verkhovna Rada fully corresponds with the requirements of the Constitution of Ukraine and the Rules of Procedure.”

“Does that mean journalists will not be given access?”

“As soon as this danger subsides, I will get the first letters that there is no such danger, we will return and restore everything as it circulated always in parliament.”

Schemes also separately sent requests to the State Guard Service and the Security Service of Ukraine regarding the limited access for journalists to the parliamentary building during deputies’ work and are awaiting responses.

As shown by a poll by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) conducted from 30 September to 13 October this year, trust in central government institutions in Ukraine has declined. In particular, trust in the parliament fell from 58% to 21%.

Serhii Andrushko, published in Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty