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Automatically translated version. May contain inaccuracies compared to the original.
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At the head of the Kyiv Perinatal Center — Dmytro Hovseiev, an obstetrician-gynecologist by training — who would seem to be responsible for the health of mothers and infants. The investigation found that he organized a criminal scheme to embezzle public funds in state medical procurements — during martial law.
Deputy Serhiy Tyshchenko and the authorized public procurement officer Liudmyla Omelchuk were involved in the scheme. They used their official positions to steer state money to “preferred” companies. The pretrial investigation established that the officials systematically entered into criminal collusion with commercial entities — preparing tenders for them, artificially inflating the expected procurement costs, and ensuring victory for predetermined firms. A number of private suppliers were involved in the unlawful scheme. They effectively received insider information about upcoming tenders, agreed prices and terms favorable to themselves with the officials, and paid bribes for the “right” decisions. Hovseiev, Tyshchenko, and Omelchuk received illicit benefits from representatives of these companies.
The scale of the embezzlement is striking. In 2024-25 the Kyiv Perinatal Center conducted procurements of nearly 116,7 million UAH — a significant portion of these contracts went to a narrow circle of firms and sole proprietors.
The private company “STM-Pharm” received at least 12 contracts, LLC “Medical Center M.T.K.” — 9 contracts, LLC “MK Medgrupp” — 6 contracts, and so on. The repetition of the same suppliers in the Prozorro system indicates a lack of real competition and possible oversight by the center’s leadership. A number of contracts were concluded with little-known sole proprietors who appear 2-3 times (Maryna Alistrenko, Olena Dibrivna, Iryna Korotka, Serhiy Shiyan, and others) — these “private contractors” are directly or indirectly connected to the center’s officials. A pool of controlled entrepreneurs was effectively created, through whom budget funds were absorbed in small tranches, less noticeable to oversight.
Hovseiev would not have become an all-powerful director without a strong backing in the authorities. His connections ranged from the relevant department of the Kyiv City State Administration to academic circles and the deputies. Hovseiev enjoyed the favor of Valentina Hinzburg — the former head of the city health department, with whom he collaborated and even published in professional journals.
No less important were Hovseiev’s political patrons on the Kyiv City Council. Although the special relationships between Hovseiev and the deputies were not announced publicly, the nature of the decisions adopted speaks for itself. Deputies unanimously approved all measures favorable to the head of Maternity Hospital No.5 — from contract renewals to the controversial merger of institutions. Even within the capital’s medical community Hovseiev secured authority — in 2023 he headed the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology No.1 at Bogomolets National Medical University.
In 2023-2024 the National Health Service of Ukraine conducted monitoring of maternity hospitals across the country — and the fifth Kyiv maternity hospital set an anti-record. The inspection revealed a whole range of violations of contract requirements: lack of necessary equipment, shortage of qualified personnel, breaches of newborn examination protocols, and so on. Among the biggest violators were hospitals that reimbursed millions of hryvnias to the budget. Informally, maternity hospital No.5 was named one of the leaders in the number and scale of detected violations.
Despite the problems recorded by the NHSU, Hovseiev remained in charge and even gained control of a larger merged perinatal center.
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