How Many Deputies Oligarchs Put Into the Rada

How Many Deputies Oligarchs Put Into the Rada

Newly elected deputies of the Verkhovna Rada who are loyal to the oligarchs. The largest teams of lobbyists belong to Ihor Kolomoisky, Dmytro Firtash, and Viktor Medvedchuk. Rinat Akhmetov lost a lot. Viktor Pinchuk slightly increased the number of his lobbyists.

The snap elections to the Rada set a record – more than 80% of newly elected deputies will receive mandates for the first time. That means the new Rada will have a minimum of familiar faces, including long-time politicians, major businessmen, former directors, oligarchs and their accomplices.

Still, Ukrainian oligarchs did manage to get their people into the new Verkhovna Rada. However, they are far fewer than in the current VIII convocation, when entire factions worked in the interests of a single person.

BusinessCensor analyzed how many deputies loyal to them each oligarch got into the Rada.

So far, by our count, we are talking about around fifty people. But that does not mean latent supporters of the oligarchs didn’t get into the Rada. In addition, some newly elected deputies may start serving them for compensation.

IHOR KOLOMOISKY

The TV channel 1+1 of former business partner of Volodymyr Zelensky — oligarch Ihor Kolomoisky — played a key role in the media support of Zelensky and "Servant of the People" in the presidential and parliamentary elections.

Although Kolomoisky denies influence on the editorial policy of the channel 1+1, its content fully corresponds to the oligarch’s interests.

Kolomoisky has not abandoned the idea of getting PrivatBank back, or receiving state compensation for its nationalization in the amount of $2 billion. After the absolute victory of "Servant of the People" in the parliamentary elections, the oligarch’s chances of getting satisfaction have increased.

We counted 10 mandates that in the future Rada will be oriented toward the oligarch. Most of Kolomoisky’s people won single-mandate districts running for "Servant of the People."

Self-nominees:

Ihor Palytsia – a long-time ally of Ihor Kolomoisky. He is a member of the UKROP party, which the oligarch controls. At the time of election — head of the Volyn Regional Council. He was head of the Odesa Regional State Administration under Kolomoisky’s quota in May 2014 – May 2015.

Palytsia worked in Kolomoisky’s companies and was chairman of the board of the oil and gas company Ukrnafta. The controlling stake of that company belongs to the state, but operational control for many years has been exercised by Kolomoisky’s people. Palytsia was elected in district No. 22, the city of Lutsk.

Iryna Konstankevych – current MP, non-factional, member of the UKROP party. She won in district No. 23 in Volyn region, where Palytsia chairs the regional council.

From the "Servant of the People" lists:

Oleksandr Tkachenko – general director of the TV channel 1+1 of Ihor Kolomoisky.

Artem Kovalov – general director of the UNIAN news agency, which is part of Kolomoisky’s media holding 1+1.

From the single-mandate districts for "Servant of the People":

Oleksandr Dubinsky – host and producer of programs on the "1+1" TV channel. In his blogs Dubinsky often criticizes Kolomoisky’s opponents or relays the oligarch’s ideas. He won in a district in the capital, defeating a close ally of the former president — Ihor Kononenko.

Olha Vasylevska-Smahliuk – special correspondent for the "1+1" TV channel. She won in district No. 96 in Kyiv region.

Serhiy Shvets – special correspondent and host on "1+1". He won in district No. 214 in the capital.

Vyacheslav Rublyov – Volyn regional deputy and adviser to the head of the Volyn Regional Council Ihor Palytsia — Kolomoisky’s ally. He won in district No. 20 in Volyn region.

Vyacheslav Medyanik – coordinator of the legal direction in the National Defense Headquarters of Dnipropetrovsk region, headed by MP Yuriy Bereza. Bereza was an adviser to the head of Dnipropetrovsk ODA Ihor Kolomoisky. Medyanik won in district No. 27 in Dnipro.

Serhiy Demchenko – deputy of Dnipro City Council from the "Ukraine of the Future" party, headed by Sviatoslav Oliynyk. Control over the party is ascribed to Kolomoisky. He won in district No. 29 in Dnipro.

RINAT AKHMETOV

Rinat Akhmetov owns the country’s largest corporations: the energy holding DTEK and the metallurgical holding Metinvest, 24% of which belongs to Vadym Novynskyi. Both companies are monopolies in the energy and metallurgical markets, respectively.

In 2017 the consolidated revenue of Akhmetov’s SCM group amounted to 450 billion UAH, which is more than half the state budget for the corresponding year.

In the previous composition of the Verkhovna Rada, Akhmetov had considerable support among lawmakers. His interests were lobbied by part of the Opposition Bloc (OB) and Oleh Liashko’s Radical Party. The largest faction — the Petro Poroshenko Bloc — was also loyal to Akhmetov.

A few months before the new elections, the OB split into two parts. The OB itself remained in Akhmetov’s sphere of influence. A portion of deputies broke away, represented by the circle of Dmytro Firtash and Viktor Medvedchuk — the Kremlin president’s (Vladimir Putin’s) godfather.

The new party was named "Opposition Platform – For Life" (OPZZh), which Akhmetov’s former faction partners nicknamed "ZaZHOP."

Leaders of the new union became: Medvedchuk, Firtash’s partner Serhiy Lyovochkin, Yuriy Boyko — energy minister in Viktor Yanukovych’s times — and the eccentric politician Vadim Rabinovych.

According to election results, OPZZh brought in 37 deputies by the list and another seven in single-mandate districts. In total — 44. At the same time, the Opposition Bloc of Akhmetov-Novynskyi did not enter the Rada, gaining 3% of voters’ votes.

As a result, the richest person in Ukraine, who was used to changing the legislative field to suit his business interests, in this convocation will have the smallest number of loyal people in the last 10 years.

BC counted seven people of Akhmetov who entered the new Rada from the Opposition Bloc. Plus one more deputy came in from BYuT. Usually these are managers of DTEK and Metinvest, minority partners of Akhmetov, who were elected in single-mandate districts.

Musa Mahomedov – general director of PrJSC Avdiivka Coke and Chemical Plant (AKHZ). This is the largest coke producer in Ukraine and is part of Metinvest.

Mahomedov received 64,6% of the vote in the sparsely populated district No. 45, which covers Avdiivka and Yasynuvata. It should be noted that AKHZ is located near the line of contact in Donbas, so Mahomedov long managed the enterprise amid constant accidents and power outages due to shelling.

Ruslan Trebushkin – mayor of Pokrovsk (formerly Krasnoarmiisk). He won in district No. 50 in Donetsk region, which includes Dobropillia, Myrnohrad and Pokrovsk.

He edged out the mayor of Dobropillia, self-nominee Andriy Aksyonov, by only one percent. One of Akhmetov’s coal-mining enterprises, DTEK Dobropilliavuhillia, is located in this district.

Vadym Novynskyi – Akhmetov’s partner in Metinvest. He owns 24% of the holding. He has his own financial-industrial group Smart Holding. It concentrates assets in the mining and metallurgical complex (integrated into Metinvest), and assets in shipbuilding, agriculture, gas production, logistics, real estate and finance ("Yunex Bank").

Novynskyi won in district No. 58, which covers the Kalmiusky and Left-Bank districts of Mariupol.

Serhiy Magera – director of regional development at PrJSC Ilyich Iron and Steel Works of Mariupol (Ilyich MMK). The enterprise is part of Metinvest. Magera won in the district that covers central Mariupol.

Viktoriia Hryb – head of sustainable development at DTEK Energo, the DTEK division engaged in coal extraction and electricity generation from it.

She won in the sparsely populated district No. 105, which includes Novoaydar district of Luhansk region. On the territory of the district, near the line of contact, is the Luhansk TPP, which is part of DTEK Skhidenergo.

Dmytro Shentsev – incumbent MP from OB. According to written registration data, he was absent from 70% of plenary sessions. He has been elected to the Verkhovna Rada since 2002 — for more than 17 years. His permanent district is No. 176 with center in Chuhuiv, Kharkiv region.

Dmytro Shpenov – entered the VR in district No. 37 of Dnipropetrovsk region. He is a member of the "Opposition Bloc" faction. He was a deputy from the Party of Regions. From 2006 to 2007 he was a deputy of the Kryvyi Rih City Council and a volunteer assistant-consultant to Oleksandr Vilkul.

Mykhailo Volynets – entered parliament from Batkivshchyna’s lists. He is head of the Independent Trade Union of Miners of Ukraine (ITUM). In the media he defends and relays ideas that are beneficial to Akhmetov’s DTEK.

DMYTRO FIRTASH

While the fate of oligarch Dmytro Firtash is being decided in Austria, his party in Ukraine took second place in the elections to the Rada.

Recall that the U.S. suspects Firtash of bribery in India to obtain permission to mine titanium ore that was to be supplied to American corporation Boeing.

Dmytro Firtash owns four fertilizer production plants, quarries that mine titanium ilmenite, the Regional Gas Company (RGC), which controls 70% of gas distribution in the country, and the television holding "Inter."

Firtash’s political interests are represented by his long-time associates — Serhiy Lyovochkin, who has minority stakes in his businesses, and Yuriy Boyko. The party "Opposition Platform – For Life" is shared by Firtash and his associates with Viktor Medvedchuk and Vadim Rabinovych.

We attributed the following deputies to Firtash’s orbit:

Yuriy Boyko – long-time partner of oligarch Dmytro Firtash and Serhiy Lyovochkin. Energy minister during Viktor Yanukovych’s era. An open Kremlin supporter, he demonstratively participates in meetings with Russian leadership.

Serhiy Lyovochkin – business partner of Firtash, co-owner of the "Inter" TV channel and other Firtash assets. Head of the Presidential Administration under Yanukovych. Proponent of closer ties between Ukraine and Russia.

Natalia Korolevska – former "regional", owner of the Lviv Coal Company, which owns the Chervonohrad concentration plant. Currently that concentration plant is controlled by an arbitration manager appointed by Andriy Venhryn, an adviser to ex-energy minister from Poroshenko — Volodymyr Demchyshyn.

Serhiy Larin – was Lyovochkin’s deputy when the latter headed Yanukovych’s administration.

Serhiy Dunaiev – former mayor of Lysychansk, closely connected to Boyko. Boyko started his career in that city.

Yuliy Ioffe – Boyko’s senior associate. Together they own the enterprise "Kharkiv TPP-5."

Mykhailo Papiiev – a friend of Firtash, regularly present at the oligarch’s court hearings in Austria and at his birthday parties.

Mykola Skoryk – former finance minister of Crimea and head of Odesa Regional State Administration in November 2013 – March 2014.

Yuliia Lyovochkina – sister of Serhiy Lyovochkin, owner of the bank "Clearing House" and shares of Zakarpattiaoblenergo.

Volodymyr Kaltsev – under Yanukovych was acting mayor of Zaporizhzhia and his trusted person in the presidential elections.

Yuriy Pavlenko – Lyovochkin’s quota in OPZZh. He was the Commissioner for Children’s Rights under Yanukovych.

Vitalii Bort – a long-time "regional." He was involved in the dispossession of Mezhyhiria and property of the state company "Nadra of Ukraine."

Mykhailo Makarenko – in 2014 he entered Kyiv City Council from Vitali Klitschko’s UDAR. In 2015 he ran from the Oppoblok. Lyovochkin’s quota.

Yuriy Solod (single-mandate, OPZZh) – husband of Natalia Korolevska. He was an MP from the Opposition Bloc. A businessman. He entered the Rada from district No. 47 in Donetsk region, centered on Sloviansk.

VIKTOR MEDVEDCHUK

A politician forgotten by history from Leonid Kuchma’s period became a new oligarch of Ukraine during Petro Poroshenko’s time.

In a short period, Putin’s godfather became owner of three information TV channels and took control over diesel and liquefied gas supplies from Russia to Ukraine.

His wife in Russia was registered as owner of oil production and a refinery. And after the snap elections to the Verkhovna Rada, Medvedchuk gained control over the party "Opposition Platform – For Life," which took second place by number of mandates.

BC compiled a list of newly elected MPs from Medvedchuk’s circle.

Vasyl Nimchenko – moved to OPZZh from the Opposition Bloc on Medvedchuk’s quota. He is a long-time associate and deputy in the NGO "Ukrainian Choice." A supporter of federalization of Ukraine and dual citizenship. Former judge of the Supreme Court of Ukraine.

Nestor Shufrych – a loyal friend of Medvedchuk, a "regional", former co-owner of the oil and gas company Naftogazvydobuvannia, which he and Mykola Rudkovskyi sold to Rinat Akhmetov.

Taras Kozak – the official controller of Medvedchuk’s media assets. As BC reported, three TV channels were registered to Kozak – 112, NewsOne and ZIK, which Medvedchuk acquired to increase his influence in Ukraine.

Kozak also owns 33% of the Novoshakhtinsk plant in Russia. The other 60% belongs to Oksana Marchenko, Medvedchuk’s wife. That refinery processes oil extracted by Medvedchuk’s wife’s company from Russian fields. The resulting oil products are supplied to Ukraine via the single oil products pipeline, which is also controlled by Putin’s godfather.

Hryhoriy Surkis – another Medvedchuk ally. They were both members of SDPU(o) since 1995. Former president of the Football Federation of Ukraine and co-owner of FC Dynamo. Together with his brother he owns a small A-Bank and is a partner of Ihor Kolomoisky in several regional energy companies.

Yuriy Zahorodniy – was Medvedchuk’s deputy in "Ukrainian Choice" and at Bankova when Medvedchuk headed Kuchma’s Administration. Former member of SDPU(o).

Oleksandr Koltunovych – an "economic expert" for Medvedchuk, head of economic programs of "Ukrainian Choice." He was an assistant to MP Nimchenko.

Hryhoriy Mamka – was deputy head of the Main Investigation Department of the Interior Ministry under Minister Vitalii Zakharchenko, who was part of Yanukovych’s "family."

According to Ukrainska Pravda, Mamka was an adviser to the head of the pro-Russian party "Smart Force." It consisted mostly of former police officers and prosecutors from Donbas. The party was involved in the case of Russian journalist Arkady Babchenko, who, according to the SBU, was to be killed by Russian special services.

Boris Herman, accused of organizing the "murder" of the journalist, said at trial that "Smart Force" was financed by a private fund of Russian president Vladimir Putin.

Viktor Chornyi – is head of LLC Detective Security Company "Shtorm", formerly called LLC Detective Security Company "Svarog."

Vehicles registered to Detective Security Company "Shtorm" were in Medvedchuk’s motorcade when the politician’s guards attacked journalists during filming of Putin’s godfather’s arrival at Zhulyany airport in November 2017.

Chornyi is vice-president of the Combat Sambo Federation of Ukraine, whose honorary president is Medvedchuk.

Oleh Voloshyn – employee of Medvedchuk’s "112-TV". He was press attaché of the Embassy of Ukraine in Russia.

VIKTOR PINCHUK

Pinchuk is owner of the pipe-and-wheel corporation Interpipe, co-owner of the gas production company Geo-Alliance and the StarlightMedia media holding: ICTV, Novyi and STB channels.

During the election campaigns Pinchuk showed loyalty to almost all leading candidates and gave them airtime.

In the new Verkhovna Rada Pinchuk will have three loyal deputies: one won in a single-mandate district for "Servant of the People", two by BYuT’s list.

Dmytro Kysylevskyi – entered the Rada from single-mandate district No. 24 in Dnipro for "Servant of the People." He is director of corporate relations at Pinchuk’s Interpipe.

Olena Kondratiuk – became an MP from BYuT. Her husband, Oleksandr Bohutskyi, works as director of ICTV. This is the highest-rated channel in Pinchuk’s media holding.

Olha Bielkova – entered the new parliament from Yuliia Tymoshenko’s BYuT. According to Ukrainska Pravda, Bielkova is close to Pinchuk.

In 2006–2010 years she worked as director of international projects at the charitable organization "Victor Pinchuk Foundation – Social Initiative." From 2011 and until her first time as an MP she was a project manager at Pinchuk’s investment-consulting group LLC "East One."